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Copyright, 1905, 

Set up and dectrotyped. Published April, 1905. 



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I have undertaken a new study of the history of the 
United States from the discovery of America to the close 
of the nineteenth century. In treating the subject, the 
word " history " is understood in its larger sense as de- 
noting not merely the annals of the past, but as describ- 
ing the development of the American people from the 
inception of the colonizing enterprises which resulted in 
the founding of the thirteen original states and the forma- 
tion of the Federal Union. The growth of the nation 
will, therefore, be treated as one continuous development 
from the political, military, institutional, industrial, and 
social points of view. 

Writers on American history have usually regarded the 
colonists as living a life somewhat apart from the rest of 
mankind. Moreover, they have been apt to treat the 
founding of each colony and state as if it had been un- 
like the founding of other colonies and states; and they 
have generally traced the story of each isolated political 
unit from the point of view of the antiquarian. The 
outlook of the present work is different. I have con- 
sidered the colonies as parts of the English empire, as 
having sprung from that political fabric, and as having 
simply pursued a course of institutional evolution unlike 
that of the branch of the English race which remained 
behind in the old homeland across the Atlantic. I have 
also thought that the most important single fact in our 

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development has been the victory of the forces of union 
over those of particularism. It is essential that the forces 
and institutions which have made for disunion should be 
treated at length and in a sympathetic spirit; but it is 
even more necessary that the forces and institutions which 
have made for union should be constantly borne in mind 
and brought to the attention of the reader, for it is the 
triumph of these which has determined the fate of the 

The guiding idea in the present work is to view the 
subject as the record of an evolution, and to trace the 
growth of the nation from the standpoint of that which 
preceded rather than from that which followed. In other 
words, I have tried to see in the annals of the past the 
story of living forces, always struggling onward and up- 
ward toward that which is better and higher in human 
conception. It is only in this way that justice can be 
done to the memories of those who have gone before 
and have left for us a splendid heritage. They treated 
the problems which arose in their time by the light of 
the age in which they lived. To estimate them by the 
conditions and ideas of the present day is to give a false 
picture to the reader and the student. 

In carrying out this purpose I have studied the original 
records and have also made use of the results of the re- 
searches of others; material has been drawn from the 
original sources for purpose of illustration. This will be 
found sometimes embedded in the text and at other times 
in the footnotes to the pages or in the longer "notes" 
appended to the several chapters. In these notes and 
footnotes will also be found the names of the leading 
sources and the titles of the more important secondary 
works. No effort has here been made to duplicate all 

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of the information given in Justin Winsor's monumental 
JFarratwe and Critical History of America. The analysis 
and criticism contained in the present work is in the 
nature of the opening of the door of knowledge rather 
than the exhaustive exploitation of bibliography. 

The task of handling the enormous mass of the material 
of American history is great ; the time and place of one's 
birth and breeding affect the judgment, and the oppor- 
tunity for error is frequent. It falls out, therefore, when 
sending this book forth to win its place, that one is irre- 
sistibly reminded of the words written by Foulkes Ro- 
bartes nearly four hundred years ago: "Who faulteth 
not, liveth not ; who mendeth faults is commended : The 
Printer hath faulted a little: it may be the author over- 
sighted more. Thy pain (Reader) is the least; then err 
not thou most by misconstruing or sharp censuring; lest 
thou be more uncharitable, than either of them hath been 
heedless: God amend and guide us all." 

Cambridge, Massachusetts, 
March, 1006. 

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I. The Discovery of the New World .... 1 

II. The Isolation of the New World 88 

HI. Florida and New Mexico 50 

IV. French Colonists and Explorers, 1500-1660 . . 90 

V. The English Seamen 115 

VI. The Genesis of the United States .... 143 

VII. The Colony of Virginia 176 

VIII. The Old Dominion 205 

IX. The Founding of Maryland 241 

X. The Beginnings of New England 271 

XI. The Coming of the Pilgrims 293 

XII. The Great Emigration 322 

XIII. Dissenters and Exiles 356 

XIV. The Southern New England Colonies .... 382 
XV. New England in 1649 414 

XVI. The Dutch Migration 438 

XVII. The Misrule of Peter Stuyvesant .... 461 

XVIII. The Period of the Puritan Supremacy, 1650-1660 . 485 

XIX. The Colonies in 1660 510 

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Globe of Martin Behaim, 1492 13 

Cantino Map, 1502 80 


Spanish Explorers 73 

The "Molineaux" Map, 1600 154 

The Colonies in 1660, showing Extent of Settlement (in 

colors) 510 

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Religious enthusiasm, human affection, the pursuit of 

gain — these three motives account for the peopling of 

America by men of European stock and Christian faith. 

The heroism of white missionaries to the yellow races of 

Asia is fresh in every one's recollection ; but they are only 

the latest of a long line of magnanimous men and women. 

In the nineteenth century David Livingstone, and other 

English Protestants, sought the scorching plains of South 

Africa to convert to Christianity the black men of those arid 

regions ; in the seventeenth century Isaac Jogues, Andrew 

White, and other Jesuit fathers, both French and English, 

crossed the Atlantic to rescue the souls of North American 

redmen, — many of them met torture and death at the 

hands of those whom they came to save. In the last year 

of the tenth century Leif Ericsson, the Northman, sailed 

from Norway for Greenland to carry the blessings of 

Christianity to his father and his father's friends and 

neighbors. Falling to the southward of Cape Farewell, 

he came to a strange land which he named Vinland ; he 

then turned the prow of his ship northward and gained 

Greenland in safety. 

The first writer to mention Vinland, whose work has 
survived to our time, was Adam of Bremen. He wrote 

VOL. I. — B l 

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before 1076, and describes, in a well-known and oft-quoted 
passage, a conversation which he had with Svend Estrids- 
son, King of Denmark. He says that the king spoke of 
an island in the ocean " which is called Vinland, for the 
reason that vines grow wild there which yield the best of 
wine. Moreover, that grain unsown grows there abun- 
dantly is not a fabulous fancy." l How this information 
came to King Svend — whether he had heard it from 
sagamen, or whether it was even then reduced to writing 
— is not now known. 

The original manuscript of Adam of Bremen's book is 
gone. Probably the oldest account of Leif s voyage that 
students now can read in the original parchment is the 
Codex FrisiomvA) or "Friis' Book," which frequently is 
called the "Book of Kings." It was put together be- 
tween 1260 and 1300 by a compiler who was merely 
placing in permanent form things that were perfectly well 
known at the time of the writing. This is what he says 
concerning Leif and his Vinland voyage : — 

" Leif, a son of Eric the Bed, passed this same winter, in good 
repute, with King Olaf, and accepted Christianity. And that sum- 
mer, when Gizur went to Iceland, King Olaf sent Leif to Greenland 
to proclaim Christianity there. He sailed that summer to Green- 
land. He found men upon a wreck at sea and succored them. Then 
likewise he discovered Vinland the Good, and arrived in Greenland 
in the autumn." * 

The unknown writer of these lines had three things so 
clearly in mind that it did not seem necessary to explain 
them. The first of these was that Leif was sent on his 

1 Reeves's Wineland, 92. These are the " Mendingabdk," "Land- 
* Ibid., 14. Vinland is mentioned in namabdk," and " Kristni-saga." Ex- 
earlier Icelandic writings than the Codex tracts from these are given in Reeves's 
Frisianus ; but the original manuscripts Wineland, 7-12. 
of these older sagas have not been found. 

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missionary vo 
at whose cou: 
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to be beyond 
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as "Flatey Book." 1 These three manuscripts were all 
written between 1299 and 1400 ; but the dates which are 
attributed to them are of no real importance, because the 
statements contained in them are clearly based on earlier 
manuscripts which have disappeared. This is particularly 
true of the " Book of Hauk " and the " Unnamed Manu- 
script," for they are both plainly derived from the same 
unknown original. The story as given in these two docu- 
ments is usually referred to as " Eric the Red's Saga " ; the 
narrative of the discovery of Vinland in the Codex Flatom- 
sis is generally called the "Flatey Book story." When 
these three accounts tell us the same thing and that story 
agrees with what is contained in the earlier manuscripts it 
seems reasonable to believe them. They are in substantial 
accord as to the general location of Vinland. 2 

The " Book of Hauk " and the " Unnamed Manuscript " 
assert that in Vinland there were fields of self-sown wheat 
and that grapes grew wild there in great profusion. To 
this description the Flatey Book story adds that in Vinland 
« on the shortest day of winter the sun was up between 
eyktarstad and dagmalastad." 8 Interpreting these state- 
ments independently and by different processes of reason- 
ing, Arthur Middleton Reeves and Professor Gustav Storm 
reached almost identical conclusions. The self-sown wheat 
they declare to be Indian wild-rice and not Indian corn or 
maize with which it formerly was identified. This seems 
reasonable, for, when one thinks a moment, it is difficult to 

* The Vinland portion of this codex is tion of Flatey Book. John Fiske and E. 
reproduced by photography with printed McK. Avery, on the other hand, accept 
text and English and Danish translations it as good material. The account of the 
in Flateyjarbok, published by the Royal Vinland voyages in this codex appears 
Danish General Staff, Topographical De- to be interpolated, and, unlike other 
partmeni, Copenhagen, 1893. Icelandic writings, it attributes the find- 

* Critical students, like Storm, Reeves, ing of Vinland to Biarni, son of Heriulf, 
and Fischer refuse to build any theory on instead of to Leif , son of Eric. 

what they regard as the sandy founda- * Reeves's Wineland, 66. 

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understand how a European explorer could have referred 
to the Indian corn of North America as wheat. Examin- 
ing the accounts of Carrier's voyage and of other early 
explorers, and also seeking information as to present-day 
conditions from reputable persons, Professor Storm deter- 
mined that Indian wild-rice grew and grows as far north 
as the fiftieth parallel. Wild grapes, on the other hand, 
are not found in profusion north of Nova Scotia and the 
Island of Orleans, which lies in the St. Lawrence River 
below Quebec; to it, indeed, Cartier gave the name of 
Island of Bacchus, because in his time it was covered 
with grapevines. 1 The word " dagmalastad " in the 
Flatey Book story Professor Storm abandoned in de- 
spair. "Eykt," 2 however, yielded to his researches, and 
gave him a point between forty-nine and fifty degrees 
of north latitude as the extreme northern limit for Vin- 
land. To some writers, the descriptions of this land seem 
to point to a more southern region, as New England ; but 
there is a good deal of the conjectural in their arguments. 
Whether Nova Scotia or New England best fits the 
accounts in the sagas, it seems to be thoroughly estab- 
lished that Vinland was a part of America. To Leif, 
the son of Eric the Red, therefore, belongs the honor 
of having discovered the New World. Colonies may 
have been planted in Vinland by the Northmen; but 
if so, they proved to be only temporary. Before long, 
voyaging to Vinland ceased, but the memory of the land 
was preserved by the sagamen and their successors 

1 See below, 93. The parallelism be- Beeves, 174, Storm, 48-00, and Fiske, i, 182. 

tween the accounts of Cartier's second On the farthest north of the wild grape, 

voyage and those of the Northmen is cer- see Storm, 43-48. Bishop Howley (Royal 

tainly suggestive. Society of Canada's Transactions, second 

* On the meaning of " eykt," see series, iv, section ii, 77-99) places Leif's 

Reeves's Wineland , 181-186 and Storm's Vinland in the region of the Gulf of St. 

Studies, 1-6. On self-sown wheat, see Lawrence. 

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who wrote the documents which we have just been 

The whole matter of the Vinland voyages is one of 
those curious academic puzzles which are chiefly interest- 
ing on account of the absurd theories that have clustered 
around them. The history of America would have been 
precisely what it has been if Leif Ericsson had never been 
born and if no Northman had ever steered his knorr * west 
of Iceland. In saying this, it is well also to add that 
in 1492 the Pope knew of the existence of Greenland; 
and that at some anterior date Christopher Columbus 
had visited Iceland, where he possibly heard of Green- 
land, and perhaps even of Vinland. It is probable 
that fishermen of* Western Europe returning from their 
adventurous cruises sometimes reported that they had 
seen western lands. These rumors and these stories 
must have been known to as wide awake and inquisi- 
tive a man as Christopher Columbus. Moreover the 
agreement which he made with the monarchs of Spain 
and under which he sailed out into the west expressly 
states that one object of his voyage was to discover 
and to acquire islands and mainlands in the Ocean Sea. 
One land, however, we may be sure, had little interest 
for him, and that was Vinland, for his further task 
was to find a new and easy route to Cipango and the 
lands of the Grand Khan, — the bears and barbarians 
of Greenland, the grapes and skrellings of Vinland were 

1 There were two types of Nor- from land. The kngrr, on the other 

wegian boats: one was the long-ship or hand, was propelled by sails, was partly 

fighting vessel, like the boat dng np at decked at least, and had a sea endurance 

Gokstad ; the other was the round-ship limited only by the skill of her com- 

or knprr used for carrying cargo. Leif s mander and the amount and variety of 

missionary bark was undoubtedly of the provisions and supplies stowed in her 

second kind. The long-ship, like the hold. See Reeves's Wineland, 162, 

Mediterranean galley, was a coasting Note 12, and Corbett's Drake and the 

vessel and never willingly ventured far Tudor Navy. 

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not fc 
rich ii 

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connects that which is about India, and thus, that there 
is one sea, do not appear to think very absurdly." These 
words were written in the fourth century before Christ. 

In the next century, Eratosthenes, librarian at Alexan- 
dria, whom Bunbury calls " the parent of scientific geog- 
raphy," estimated the earth to be about fourteen per 
cent larger than it really is — a most astonishing result 
when one considers his data and his tools. Some idea of 
the credit to be attached to the making of this estimate 
may be derived from the fact that in 1668 the best maps 
then in use had an error in excess of nearly thirty-three 
per cent. 1 Like Aristotle, Eratosthenes, and, after him, 
Strabo, had no doubt of the globularity of the earth. To 
Eratosthenes, indeed, it was the magnitude of the Atlantic, 
alone, which stood in the way of a western passage from 
Iberia to India. 2 

This scientific theory of the shape of the earth was 
handed down from one scientific man to another, especially 
among Arabian scholars, who actively studied the old 
Greek philosophy when it was almost unknown in Chris- 
tian lands. In the thirteenth century of our era, Roger 
Bacon, in his Ojpvs Majus, repeated Aristotle's ideas of the 
proximity of Spain and India, and reenforced them by 
reference to Seneca's Naturalivm Quaesiionem. This para- 
graph of Bacon was repeated almost entire in the eighth 
chapter of Pierre d'Ailly's Imago Mundi? 

While Bacon was finishing his great work, Nicolo and 
Maffeo Polo, Venetian merchants, were returning home- 
ward from a long and interesting visit to the redoubtable 
Kublai Khan of far-off Cathay. They soon left Venice 

i Banbury's Ancient Geography, i, 'Purchas's PUgrime* (ad. 1626), iii, 

025,635. 23. See Note VI. 

* Strata's Geography, Introduction, 
ch. iv, section 6. See Note V. 

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again for the East, and this time took with them Nicolo's 
son, the ever memorable Marco Polo, — then a youngster 
of seventeen. Once in Cathay, the younger man, by his ad- 
ministrative capacity, won the regard of the Grand Khan, 
and gained for himself a place in the Chinese annals. 
In 1295 the three Polos were back again in Venice, busily 
disentangling from the seams of their tattered garments 
diamonds and rubies and other precious stones which they 
had gathered in their wanderings. Another three years 
went by, and Marco Polo, then a prisoner of war, dictated 
an account of the wondrous lands which he had visited. 
This work is still regarded as the greatest contribution 
made by any one man to the geographical knowledge of 
the Middle Ages. The book was first printed in 1477. 
In the Columbian Library at Seville there is a copy of the 
1485 edition, with manuscript notes, which were probably 
made by Christopher Columbus ; but this does not prove 
that in 1492 he had even seen this work, which certainly 
would have stirred his adventurous soul had he read it. 

In The Book of Ser Marco Polo the Venetian traveler 
tells of Quinsai with its twelve thousand bridges of stone 
and three thousand baths of hot and cold water. Of more 
interest in the present discussion is the fact that Marco 
Polo, unlike the earlier writers, describes the eastern edge 
of Asia as being washed by the waters of the Ocean Sea, 
instead of being fringed by stupendous marshes, as was 
the older idea. In other words, the Golden East was acces- 
sible to sea-going ships, and not inaccessible, as had for- 
merly been supposed. In the Ocean Sea, at some distance 
from the mainland, was the island kingdom of Cipango, or 
Chippanghu, which we call Japan. 1 Marco Polo did not 

* The Book of Ser Marco Polo, the Marvel* of the East. Translated and 
Venetian, concerning the Kingdoms and edited with notes by Colonel Henry Yale, 

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visit Cipango, for the Cipangoans discouraged visitors, but 
he relates at second hand stories of its white inhabitants, 
who possessed endless gold and were partly civilized. The 
palace of the king of this treasure island was described as 
roofed with gold, as churches in Europe were covered with 
lead, and its public rooms and chambers were paved 
with slabs of gold two fingers thick. 1 The floor of one of 
its reception rooms might well have comprised treasure 
enough to ransom half the kings of Christendom, — and it 
could be reached by sea ! The Polos were not the only 
travelers to visit eastern Asia. Many others, missionaries 
and merchants, journeyed to India and Cathay. Return- 
ing safely home, they recounted their goings and comings 
in the cloisters of the lonely monasteries and on the quays 
of the busy seaports.* In this way the idea of rich eastern 
lands became the. common property of Mediterranean 
scholars and seamen, and were repeated by thousands of 
persons who had never heard of Marco Polo and had never 
seen his book. It is perfectly possible that in some such 
way, and not by the perusal of Marco Polo's book, knowl- 
edge of the eastern lands may have come to Columbus. 8 

From early times, the silks and spices of the Far East 
had found their way to Europe. Some of them had come 
by caravan across central Asia ; others had pursued a more 
roundabout course through the Indian Ocean and the 
Persian Gulf. As the traffic grew in volume, more articles 
were added to the list, until it included not only silks and 
spices, but also cottons, brocades, and cashmere shawls, 

2 vols., London, 1871. The third edition of Medieval Notice* of China (Hakluyt 

was revised and edited by Henri Cordier, Society Series). London, 1866. 
2 vols., London, 1903. For the description *It should be noted, however, that 

of Japan, see the original edition, ii, 199. E. Q. Bourne in his Spain in America, 

* Yule's Marco Polo, ii, 199. 10-15, states without qualification the in* 

* See Colonel Henry Yule's Cathay fluenee of Marco Polo. 
and the Way Thither; being a Collection 

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drugs and indigo, amber, pearls, diamonds, and other pre- 
cious stones. This commerce was at its highest point in 
the fourteenth century. Then came the fall of the Mogul 
dynasty of Cathay. Their successors closed China to the 
outside world for centuries. In 1453 the Turks conquered 
Constantinople and put an end to such trade as still 
existed. The finding a new route to India then became 
a commercial necessity. 

Portuguese navigators were the earliest to seek an all- 
sea route to the Far East. 1 Captains drawn from the 
maritime races of Europe and trained under the scientific 
methods of Prince Henry of Portugal sailed down the west- 
ern shores of Africa. In 1484 Diogo Cam passed the 
equator; two years later he proceeded a thousand miles 
farther south, and set up a stone cross on the borders of 
Hottentot land, which is said to be still standing. In 
1486, Bartholomew Diaz, driven by a furious northerly 
gale, lost all trace of the African continent. When he 
again sighted land, it was to the west of him, in the neigh- 
borhood of Algoa Bay. Sailing southward and westward, 
he passed the southern end of the Dark Continent, calling 
that point the Cape of Storms. King John of Portugal, 
with a truer insight — and less personal recollection — 
renamed it the Cape of Good Hope. Twelve years later, 
in 1498, Vasco da Gama, again passing this landmark 
reached Calicut in India. These early Portuguese voyages 9 
were none of them to American shores; but they may 
well be regarded in the light of a school of navigation for 
American voyagers. Bartholomew Columbus, the discov- 

* Major's Prince Henry the Naviga- early Portuguese voyages were for gen- 
tor; Beasley's Prince Henry. Vignand eral exploration and to kidnap negro 
(La Lettre et la Carte de Toscanelli, also slaves. 

published in English as The Letter and * Ravenstein's Vasco da Qama, in 

Chart of Toscanelli) maintains that the Hakluyt Society Series. 

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erer's brother, sailed with Diaz on his great voyage, and 
the Admiral himself may have shared the hazard and glory 
of one or more of these ventures, although the particular 
expedition in which he took part cannot be identified. 1 

With Diogo Cam on his first voyage was Martin Behaim 9 
of Nuremberg. He had been a pupil of Regiomontanus, a 
German mathematician, whose « Ephemerides " form the 
earliest approach to a nautical almanac. Behaim assisted in 
adapting the astrolabe to the needs of the navigator. In 
the summer of 1492, while Columbus was sailing westward 
across the Sea of Darkness, Behaim in Germany completed 
a globe to illustrate the shape of the earth. This globe 
has been preserved and is one of the very few spheres 
which certainly date back to the period before the discov- 
ery of America. 8 Of course Columbus could not have seen 
this globe before he left Palos in August, 1492, nor is there 
the slightest reason to suppose that he ever saw it. Indeed, 
there is no evidence to show that Columbus and Behaim 
ever met. It is pleasant to think of them as making globes 
and charts together and talking about the various routes 
to India, but these thoughts are conjectures, pure and 
simple. This globe, nevertheless, is interesting because it 
represents the ideas which Columbus doubtless held as to 
the size of the earth and the general distribution of the 
land and water. 

1 In an interesting and stimulating * There is a good article on Behaim, al- 

paper Mr. C. F. Adams maintains the though now necessarily somewhat out of 

thesis that America would have been dis- date, by J. G. Morris in Maryland His- 

covered without Columbus, as, for ex- torical Society's Publications for 1856. 
ample, it actually was seen by Cabral in * Winsor's Columbus, 185-190. Be- 

1500 ; and that the Columbian discovery, haim's globe has been often figured, 

coming when it did, was a curse to hu- The best representations are in Ghillany's 

manity (Massachusetts Historical So- Behaim and Hugo's Christoph Columbus. 

ciety's Proceedings, second series, viii, Less satisfactory reproductions are in 

24). It is well, perhaps, to set adverse Winsor's Columbus and Flake's Discov- 

estimates over against popular opinions ery, 
as formulated by the popularizers ; but 
both are largely speculative. 

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About ten years after the publication of Washington 
Irving's Life of Colwnhu* Chancellor Kent of New York, 
a great admirer of that writer, discouraged further re- 
search into the career of the Admiral on the ground that 
his history was as well known as that of Noah. Irving 
thoroughly agreed with this idea and deprecated that per- 
nicious erudition which goes prying about under the name 
of research. Since his time, however, the seekers have re- 
doubled their energies, until the quadri-centennial of the 
discovery of America brought the flood of Columbian 
literature to its highest point and reduced the mass of 
ascertained facts to its lowest ebb. From this general 
dissolution of Columbian knowledge a few things still 
remain ; but these must be handled with diffidence, lest a 
new discoverer come along and destroy them also. 

Christopher Columbus was born at some time between 
1430 and 1456, the precise date of this event being of slight 
importance nowadays, save to him who seeks to conjure 
up a picture of the great seaman as he paced the deck of 
his flagship off San Salvador on that pregnant October 
night in 1492. Henry Harrisse and Justin Winsor unite in 
giving the date as 1446-47, and when these two agree one 
may as well follow them without more ado. 1 Eighteen 
places claim Columbus as a native, but these scholars unite 
in giving that honor to Genoa or its immediate vicinity. 
At an early age he shipped on his first voyage, and kept 
on sailing the seas until, some years later, he found him- 
self in Portugal, the fifteenth-century meeting-place of ad- 
venturous and scientific seamen. 

Exactly how or when Columbus made up his mind as to 
the shape of the earth, the feasibility of sailing westward 

1 More recently Henry Vignand (The gued with some degree of success that 
Real Birth-Date of Columbus) has ar- 1451 is the correct date. 

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to India, and determined to do it, is not at all clear. Ferdi- 
nand Columbus, for instance, tells us that the Admiral was 
influenced by the works of Arab astronomers and by Ptol- 
emy and the ancients ; but whether this should be taken 
in more than a general sense may be doubted. Another 
theory is that Columbus, studying the Imago Mvmdi of 
Pierre d'Ailly, Bishop of Cambray, came across the old 
ideas which that compiler had borrowed from Roger Bacon. 
The first printed copy of the Imago Mvmdi was made at 
Louvain not before 1480 ; but Columbus thought that the 
earth was round, before that time, and there is no evi- 
dence that he ever read the Bishop of Cambray's work 
in manuscript. It is true that in the report of his third 
voyage (1498) he quoted a sentence from this book, and 
there still exists a copy of it with marginal notes in his 
handwriting, or in that of his brother, Bartholomew, for 
the writing of the two was much alike. But none of 
these things proves that he had read the work in manu- 
script, nor is there reason to suppose that the theories of 
the ancients had much, if any, direct influence upon him. 
If he had known of the Bishop of Cambray's book before 
1492, it is most probable that he would have used it as an 
authority to reenforce his ideas ; but there is no evidence 
that he did this. Another way to account for Columbus's 
opinions is to attribute great influence to the letters of 
Paolo dal Pozzo Toscanelli of Florence. Sir Clements 
R. Markham even goes so far as to print them as " the 
sailing directions of Columbus." * A more recent writer, 
Henry Vignaud, has gone to the other extreme and has 
denied that such letters ever existed. 1 

1 Markham's Journal of Columbus, Toscanelli, An English edition, revised 

1-11. and enlarged, bears the title Toscanelli 

* Vignand's La Lettre et la Carte de and Columbus. The Letter and Chart oj 

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There seems no good reason to deny that Columbus 
received letters and a map l from Toscanelli, for Las Casas 
says that he had had them in his hand. 8 The honesty of 
the good bishop is beyond dispute ; and there was no reason 
why he should prevaricate on this point. There certainly 
is confusion in the texts of the letters, but the main out- 
lines are reasonably clear. 8 The Florentine astronomer 
repeats the stock stories of the Grand Khan and Cathay ; 
he tells of two hundred cities with marble bridges every- 
where adorned with columns. He mentions the spherical 
shape of the earth and writes thus as to its size: "From 
the City of Lisbon due west there are twenty-six spaces 
marked on the map, each of which has two hundred and 
fifty miles, as far as the most noble and very great city 
of Quinsay. . . . This space is almost a third part of the 
whole sphere. . . . But for the island Antilia, known to 
you, to the most noble island of Cipango there are ten 
spaces. ... Thus the spaces of the sea to be crossed in the 
unknown parts are not great." If we knew what kind 
of miles Toscanelli had in mind and what he meant by 
the qualifying word « almost," and had confidence in the 
text of the letter, it would be easy to get at his idea 
of the size of the earth. The general opinion of those 
who have carefully studied the matter is that Toscanelli 

Toscanelli. For an excellent notice by attempts to reproduce Toscanelli's Ideas 
E. G. Bourne see American Historical are in the same volume, tav. x, and in 
Review, viii. ibid., pt. iv, vol. i, 116. Writers, generally, 
* The maps which Toscanelli sent to repeat the sketch made for Dae Ausland. 
Columbus and Martinez have never been The reproductions merely show what 
seen by recent scholars. Las Casas bor- their makers thought that Toscanelli 
rowed the Columbian replica from its probably drew. The "Ausland map" 
custodians, which Winsor thinks may is repeated in Fiske's Discovery, i, 357; 
account for its disappearance. There is the second " Raccolta" sketch is in Chan- 
no map of Toscanelli's known ; the only ning's Student's History, 27. 
sketch that can be attributed to him is * See Note VU. 
merely a projection (Raccolta, pt. v, « Humboldt's Examen Critique, i, 206 
vol. i, tav. viiii). The most interesting and fol. 

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estimated the size of the earth at about three fourths its 
true value. 1 

There is nothing in Toscanelli's letters which Columbus 
could not have obtained from other sources and doubtless 
already knew. What impression these communications 
produced on his mind at the moment of their reception 
cannot be stated. However great or however small that 
impression may have been at the time, it seems likely that 
Columbus, instead of carrying the letters with him in the 
guise of sailing directions, had forgotten all about them in 
the years which had elapsed between their reception and 
1492; for he sailed over the place where Antilia should 
have been and never thought it worth while to make any 
mention of the fact. 

Oviedo, in his Historia General, relates the story of a 
ship which was driven from her course along European 
coasts, visited unknown lands to the west, and returned to 
Europe. The pilot, or navigator, of this vessel is said to 
have died in Columbus's house and to have told him of the 
existence of the lands which he and his comrades had dis- 
covered. 2 This story, with some variations, is repeated by 
Las Casas and by other writers. There seems to be no 
reason to doubt that the idea embodied in this tale was 
held rather widely in the sixteenth century, and it may be 
true, although this is not proved. Even if Columbus had 
never heard such a tale, he had every reason to believe a 
priori that there were other lands between the coasts of 
Europe and Africa and the shores of Cipango besides the 
groups of islands already known and colonized, and he 

i Winsor's Columbus, 123 ; Winso^s * Oviedo's Historia General, i, 13 (ed. 

America, i, 51. There Is a prolonged 1851). See also Las Casas's Historia, i, 

and learned discussion of this and kin- 103-106 (ch. xiv). The text of this pas- 

dred subjects in Vignaud's Letter and sage, with a translation, is in Thacher's 

Chart of Toscanelli. Columbus, i, 332-335. 

vol. i. — c 

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secured such authority to discover and conquer them as 
the Spanish monarchs could give. 1 Furthermore, there 
can be little doubt that Columbus really was in search 
of Cipango, Cathay, and India. In the first place, he 
secured letters from the Spanish monarchs to the poten- 
tates of the East. In the second place, when he reached 
Cuba, he dispatched messengers to seek out the Grand 
Khan or other Eastern princes and make known his 
coming. It is inconceivable that he should have taken 
all these pains unless he were in earnest in the announced 
purpose of his search. 

His own mind made up, howsoever that was done, 
Columbus set about to secure the necessary political 
authorization and financial assistance. Pertinaciously his 
suit was pressed upon the sovereigns of Spain, France, 
England, and Portugal. Dissenting in all else, these mon- 
archs were united as to the impracticability of his scheme. 
Finally, however, the proposed enterprise attracted the 
notice of four powerful personages at the court of Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella ; these were the Count of Medina-Celi, a 
great Spanish grandee, Luis de Sant Angel, treasurer of Ara- 
gon, Father Juan Perez, once the Queen's confessor, and the 
Marquesa de Moya, at the moment her confidential friend. 
Somewhat by accident, all four suddenly united to induce 
Isabella to listen favorably to the Genoese adventurer. 9 

1 These words of the commission are taken from Christopher Columbus : his own 
Book of Privileges, 42 (the Spanish and English texts are also given in Thacher's 
Columbus, i, 441) : — 

"PrimeramentequeVuestrasAltezas "Firstly, that Your Highnesses, as 

como Sefiores que son delas dichas mares actual Lords of the said oceans, appoint 

oceanas fazen dende agora al dlcho Don from this date the said Don Christopher 

Christoval Colon su Almirante en todas Columbus to he your Admiral in all 

aquellas yslas e tierras firmes que por su those islands and mainlands which by his 

mano e yndustria se descubriran o gana- activity and industry shall be discovered 

ran enlas dichas mares oceanas." and acquired in the said oceans." 

•Woodbury Lowery (Spanish Settlements in the United States, ch. iv) has 
an excellent brief description of the condition of Spain at the close of the 

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Irving and Prescott have painted Isabella as little re- 
moved from the angels ; the German Bergenroth, and 
other students of the critical school, have described her in 
colors fitted to a fiend in the guise of a talented woman. 
In bigotry and duplicity she outran the standard of her 
time ; but the student must be prepared to see and not to 
be misled by what is unpleasant if he wishes to penetrate 
deeply into the doings of the men and women of the 
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. It is impossible to study 
Isabella's career at all carefully and not be impressed with 
her great capacity as a ruler of men — including Ferdinand. 
Probably it was her business ability which gave Columbus 
his opportunity. The plan accepted, the Spanish rulers 
proved amiable: they at once made Columbus a grandee 
and created him and his heirs Admiral in all the lands and 
islands which he or they might discover or gain in the 
Ocean Sea. Furthermore, he and his heirs could reserve 
one tenth of all the gold and silver found in these wide 
domains ; they might contribute one eighth part of the 
cost of fitting out any expedition to this region and receive 
one eighth part of the profits from the voyage. In making 
this arrangement, Ferdinand and Isabella probably had 
slight confidence in Columbus's dreams turning into facts. 
It used to be said that Isabella sacrificed her jewels 
to fit out the fleet; but there is no good reason to sup- 
pose that she did this. Whatever jewels she had once 
possessed had probably been pawned long before to provide 
funds for the Moorish wars. 1 The best idea is that Luis de 

fifteenth century. Jean H. Mariejol's betta retains its place as a popular re- 

L'Espagne sous Ferdinand et Isabelle cital. 

gives in brief form a picture of Spain at i Duro, in Las Joyas de Isabel la Ca- 

the epoch of the discovery. Kayserling's tdlica (Madrid, 1882), says all that can be 

Columbus touches on special phases of said on the subject ; see also Harrisse's 

Spanish life and gives an Hebraic cast Christophe Colomb t vol. i, and Kayser- 

thereto. Prescott' 8 Ferdinand and Isa- ling's Columbus. 

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Sant Angel provided the money out of his own pocket in 
the form of a loan to the Castilian treasury. Of the total 
cost of the expedition (four million maravedis 1 ) Isabella 
provided one million one hundred and forty thousand, Co- 
lumbus five hundred thousand. This latter figure is inter- 
esting as serving to bear out Harrisse's contention that 
Columbus was not so poverty-stricken as sometimes has 
been supposed. Another way to account for it, however, 
may be that it represented the contributions of powerful 
friends. The story of the fitting out of the fleet is equally 
vague ; probably the safest as well as the easiest thing to 
do is to abandon all further effort to unravel it. 2 

There were three vessels in the fleet — that, happily, is 
certain. Two of them, the Pinta and the Nvna^ were cara- 
vels ; the third was larger, of the carrack class. Columbus 
never names her, but always calls her the Capitana or 
flagship, and other writers refer to her as La Gattega. 
Ferdinand Columbus, or whoever wrote the History of 
the Life and Actions of the Admiral, alone of contemporary 
writers calls her Santa Maria; the name certainly was 
appropriate, as one object of the expedition was to carry 
Christianity to the people of the Indies. Alone of the 
fleet, she was decked. On the three ships were ninety 
persons; among them were an Englishman and an Irish- 
man. 8 Friday, August 3, 1492, in the early morning, the 
fleet sailed from Palos and steered southwestwardly for 
the Canary Islands. There the rigs of the caravels were 
changed, necessary repairs were made, and wood, water, 

1 J. B. Thacher (Christopher Colum- odd years that computations of this kind 
bus, i, 490) has made some careful calcu- convey little meaning, 
lations as to what this sum represents in 2 See, however, Harrisse's Christophe 
modern money. His conclusion is that it Colomb, i, 364, 388. 
stands for something under $100,000 in • Duro's Coldn y Pinzdn, Inform* re- 
ova own conception, but the scale of liv- lativo d los pormenores de descubrimi- 
ing has so changed in four hundred and ento del Nuevo Mundo, Madrid, 1883, 164, 


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1492] THE VOYAGE 21 

and fresh provisions were taken on board. The fleet then 
sailed forth, steering westward for Cipango, Cathay, and 
India: — 

" What if wise men as far hack as Ptolemy, 
Judged that the earth like an orange was round, 
None of them ever said, ' Gome along, follow me, 
Sail to the West and the East will be found/ " 

The story of that wonderful voyage is a tale of hope 
long deferred. The vessels sailed from Gomera in the 
Canaries on September 6. At first the wind was very 
light ; but on the 9th the breeze freshened and the vessels 
drove westwardly with increasing speed. At this, the 
" Journal " tells us " The Admiral arranged to reckon less 
than the number of miles run, because if the voyage was 
of long duration, the people would not be so terrified and 
disheartened." It is difficult to say what this phrase 
means, for the best calculations that Columbus and the 
pilots could make were strangely at variance with each 
other and with the fact. On September 19, for instance, 
the pilot of the Nma made the distance run four hundred 
and forty leagues ; the pilot of the Pvnta estimated it at 
four hundred and twenty ; the pilot of the flagship, no less 
a man than Juan de la Cosa, " the most celebrated pilot 
and cartographer 1 of the time," acting under Columbus's 
eye, calculated the distance at four hundred leagues. On 
the way home from San Domingo, Columbus and the pilots 
were at a loss as to the identity of the first land sighted, 
whether it was the Azores or the coast of Portugal. 9 
When the officers were so thoroughly puzzled as to their 
true position, what use was there in seeking to deceive the 

* This phrase is from Harrisse's DU- the Philippines, was nearly fifty degrees 
emery of America , 13 note. in error as to his longitude, although he 

* Thirty years later Magellan's chief had an arrangement of " a chain at the 
pUot, the celebrated Alvo, on reaching poop" to give him the distance run. 

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crew ? Moreover, the seamen had nearly as good means 
of observation as the Admiral, for he had neither log nor 
chronometer. He guessed the speed of the ship by watch- 
ing the bubbles and the sea-wrack as they floated by. In 
place of a chronometer, he used a sand-glass to tell the 
time and complains that the seamen were often negligent 
in turning it when the sand had run out. One night, when 
the wind was contrary, Columbus found the flagship 
headed northeastwardly, in the direction of Spain instead 
of that of Cipango — for which he reprimanded the helms- 
man. Bearing in mind all these chances of error, the dis- 
tances and courses given in the "Journal" need to be 
handled with great caution. 

September 14, when the voyagers were eight days out 
from Gomera, they saw the first signs of land ; after that 
time for nearly a month scarcely a day passed without 
other signs of land appearing — but the land itself was 
elusive. At length, on the evening of October 11, 1492, 
Columbus, peering into the darkness, saw a light suddenly 
appear and then go out, again flare up and again go out. 
Next morning, at two a.m., the lookout of the Pinia saw 
the gleam of a sandy beach beneath the rays of an eastern 
moon. The vessels at once "lay to under storm-square 
sails," l waiting for the dawn. When daylight came the 
land turned out to be an island. At one place in the 
" Journal " it is described as « very large " ; in another 
place it is termed " small." Columbus further states that 
it is " very level with very green trees and many streams 
of water and a very large lagoon in the middle without 
any mountain." He named it San Salvador, the natives 

i This phrase is repeated from Pro- Columbus, 161-153. It is to be wished 

feasor Montaldo's admirable translation that the entire document might be trans- 

of the entries of the "Journal," relating lated with equal care, 
to the landfall, in Murdock's Cruise of 

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called it Guanahani, or Guanaham, as one follows the 
"Journal " or Columbus's " Letter to Sant Angel." Irving, 
relying on a tradition which goes back only to the seven- 
teenth century, identified San Salvador with the Cat Island 
of the modern map ; but this identification is plainly im- 
possible, because Cat Island has no lagoon and is the loftiest 
of the Bahamas. The best opinion of the present day in- 
clines to Watling's as the island of the landfall. Harrisse 
dissents from this verdict and Winsor gives it no warm 
approval. * Our difficulty in identifying San Salvador with 
any known island, however, is small when compared with 
Columbus's difficulty in identifying it with any land de- 
scribed by Marco Polo and the other narrators of the 
wonders of the East. 

Columbus was seeking Cipango, Mangi, Zayton, Quinsay, 
and the lands of the Grand Khan. The earmarks of these 
regions were gold, silver, silks, spices, splendid palaces, and 
gorgeously attired people. The Cathayans were said to 
be yellow and the Cipangoans were described as some- 
what whiter ; but the people of the new island were neither 
yellow nor white, but the color of the Canarians. " Nor," 
says Columbus, " should anything else be expected, as this 
island is in a line east and west from the island of Hierro 
in the Canaries." Instead of wearing gold-embroidered, 
silken robes, they were " as naked as when their mothers 
bore them," save where grease and paint concealed the 
true color of their skins. Some of them had nose-pieces 

i Up to the present time it has been are Becher's Landfall of Columbus ; G. 

impossible to interpret the so-called V. Fox's ' 'First Landing Place of Colum- 

•• Jonrnal " without doing violence to the bus " (United States Coast and Geodetic 

text or disregarding the geography of the Survey's Reports, 1880, Appendix 18) , or, 

Bahamas and Cuba. Winsor, in his Co- in a popular form, in Magazine of Ameri- 

lumbus (214) and his America (ii, 52) can History, ix, 240 ; J. B. Murdock's 

summarizes the controversy, as does "Cruise of Columbus in the Bahamas, 

Thacher in his Co/um6 ta (ch.lviii). The 1492" (United States Naval Institute's 

leading extended works on the subject Proceedings, No. 30, 449-486). 

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of gold, but there were no signs of spices anywhere. 
Ferdinand Columbus tells us that his father had deter- 
mined beforehand to call whatever land he might discover 
India, because that was a name to suggest riches. The 
name, however, seems to have arisen naturally from the 
circumstances of the voyage, which was to the " region of 
the Indies," and was in part, at least, for the christianiza- 
tion of " the Indian inhabitants of the said Indies." l It is 
interesting to note, nevertheless, that Columbus dubbed 
these savages Indians and not Cathayans or Cipangoans. 
From San Salvador, Columbus sailed by way of many 
smaller islands to Cuba and San Domingo. Soon after 
reaching the Cuban coast he felt certain that the territory 
of the Grand Khan could not be far away and sent two mes- 
sengers to seek out the king of the land and tell him that 
the monarch of Castile had sent him to inquire after his 
health. One of the envoys was a converted Jew who knew 
Hebrew, Chaldee, and even some Arabic, besides the lan- 
guage of Spain, — there must be learned men at the courts 
of the kings of Zayton and Quinsay, who, he argued, could 
communicate in one or more of these languages. In fine, 
Columbus saw in the simple natives of the Antilles and 
their tropical surroundings, rich monarchs, countless ham- 
lets with numberless inhabitants, great store of gold, islands 
" of a thousand different shapes," birds " of a thousand dif- 
ferent kinds," and trees " so high that they seemed to touch 
the sky." 2 It is pitiable to compare the lands as he thought 
he saw them with the islands of the Antilles as we know 
them, and as others, to their grief, were to know them 
in a few short months. The expectations which he had 
aroused could be satisfied only by the fortunes and villainies 

* Stevens's Columbus's Book of Privi- " Letter to 8ant Angel," describing the 
leges, 45. first voyage, and from the "Journal/' 

* These expressions are taken from his under date of November 1 and 2, 1492. 

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of Cortez and Pizarro. The remainder of his own life he 
spent in a melancholy struggle against the fate which 
remorselessly overtakes the visionary who mixes the real 
and the wished-for in the actual everyday affairs of the 
world. For years all things were evil with him; his colo- 
nists rebelled ; gold was won only in small quantities and 
with great difficulty; and island after island, peopled with 
naked savages, appeared where Cipango with its silken- 
clad princes should have been. Nature itself seemed to 
fight against him. On his third voyage he sailed into the 
estuary of the Orinoco. A seaman drawing a bucket of 
water over the side found it fresh, to his and the Admiral's 
astonishment. Here was another world and a mighty 
river; but whence came this great body of water? For 
south of India on a spherical earth in the geography 
known to him there was no room for a continent of 
size sufficient to feed so mighty a stream. Either Cuba 
was not an Asiatic land, or the earth was not spheroidal 
in shape; to Columbus it seemed easier to change the 
shape of the earth than to acknowledge the failure of his 
life-work. So he declared that the earth was not round, 
as Ptolemy and others had thought, but was in " the form 
of a pear, which is very round except where the stalk 
grows, at which part it is most prominent " ; upon the top 
of the stalk he placed the earthly paradise ! 

Death mercifully came to him in 1506, before he realized 
how utter was the wreck of his hopes and his ambitions. 
And yet it is true to-day, as it was when Charles Kingsley 
wrote, that since the day when Alaric showed the road to 
the spoil of imperial Rome, no man has done more to 
change the course of human history than Christopher 

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I. General Bibliographical Note. — Justin Winsor's Narrative and 
Critical History of America is a monument of assiduous and intelli- 
gent labor. The value of the work consists mainly in the minute 
bibliographical information which is contained in the "Critical 
Essays" that are appended to the several chapters. The great 
mass of this information was supplied by Mr. Winsor himself ; but 
some of his collaborators, as Mr. Charles Deane in his remarkable 
essay on the Cabots, strongly seconded the editor in his endeavor to 
open the sources of information to serious students. Only those 
who have themselves attempted to explore these sources, in connec- 
tion with the study of any considerable number of topics, can form 
a just idea of the boon Mr. Winsor and his co-workers have conferred. 
The narrative chapters are as good as can be expected in a co- 
operative work. J. N. Larned's Literature of American History is 
a bibliography pure and simple. It consists of selected titles ap- 
praised with more or less care by some student of the subject treated 
in the book under notice, or by extracts from the better critical 
reviews, as the Nation and the Dial. Most of the entries relating 
to the subject matter of this chapter were admirably appraised by 
Professor E. G. Bourne. The selection of books, the arrangement 
of the appraisements, and the index leave much to be desired. On 
the whole, however, it serves its purpose of guiding librarians as to 
the purchase of books ; but students seeking to go to the bottom of 
things will find Winsor's America a more useful guide. 

Of the general works covering the field of discovery and explora- 
tion four stand somewhat apart from the rest : Humboldt's Examen 
Critique, 1 Harrisse's Discovery of North America, Kretschmer's 
Die Entdeckung Amerikas, and John Fiske's Discovery of America. 
Humboldt's work may almost be said to have begun the critical 

* Alexander von Humboldt, Examen printed at Paris in 1836-39. A German 

Critique de VhUtoire de la giographie translation by J. L. Ideler, in three vols., 

du Nouveau Continent et dee progrte de was published at Berlin in 1852 with the 

VAstronomie Nautique aux quinzieme et following title : Kritieche Untersuchun- 

seizieme sieclee. Ibis great work was gen...dergeographischenKenntnis*evon 

first published In folio form at Paris in der Neuen Welt, This edition has a full 

1834, as a part of a proposed series of index— which is entirely lacking in the 

volumes on the "Voyage aux regions French editions. The work has never 

Equinoxiales du Noveau Continent par been translated into English— except in 

Humboldt et Bonpland." An edition of parts, 
the Examen Critique in five vols, was 

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study of the period of discovery ; even now, after a lapse of sixty 
years, it is a useful and stimulating book. Harrisse, in his Discovery 
of America, brings together in one large volume the results of a life- 
time of discriminating study and places them before the student in 
an attractive dress with many illustrations in the form of facsimiles 
of early maps. The cost of the volume ($27.60) greatly limits its 
field of usefulness. Kretschmer's book is primarily a work on the 
history of geography, and the early voyages are studied in that relar 
tion ; but the work is so sound in its judgments and so admirably 
illustrated with facsimiles of maps, large and small, that no earnest 
student can approach this topic without frequently consulting it. 
Fiske's Discovery of America is a brilliant setting forth of the results 
reached by scholars at the time of its writing; but he sometimes 
states these results with less reserve than seemed good to those who 
first set them forth. The leading special works and sources will be 
mentioned under the several topics. The student who desires to go 
farther will find the way smoothed for him in Winsor's America, 
i, ii, and in Laraed's Literature, 60-68. 

H. The Northmen. — Arthur Middleton Reeves's Finding of Wine- 
land the Good (London, 1890) is an indispensable work for all stu- 
dents of the Norse discovery of America who do not enjoy the 
advantage of reading the sagas in the original. This work consists 
of facsimiles of the documents themselves,*with a printed text on 
the opposite page. Preceding this is a translation of practically all 
the sagas relating to America. The book opens with a luminous 
introduction and closes with an admirable series of notes. Alto- 
gether it is a remarkable piece of work and reflects great credit 
upon an American student whose untimely death at the thresh- 
old of his career all students of these themes must deplore. In 
general agreement with Reeves is Gustav Storm, in his Studies on the 
Vinland Voyages (translated from " M^moires de la Soctet^ Royale 
des Antiquaires du Nord," Copenhagen, 1889). This is one of the 
best examples of the application of the scientific spirit to the eluci- 
dation of historical controversies. J. Fischer's Discoveries of the 
Norsemen deals especially with those discoveries in their early 
cartographical representation. As to the Vinland voyages, his con- 
clusions agree with those reached by Storm and Reeves. The 
material which has lately been found in the Vatican archives 
relates, with scarcely a possible exception, to Greenland, and not to 
Vinland. Fischer's general conclusion is worth noting (Dis- 

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coveries, 55): "Every theory in support of a lasting colonization 
of Wineland has proved untenable, and most important of all, no 
amount of research has brought to light any Norse remains or Norse 
ruin8. ,,1 

Professor Sophus Bugge of the University of Christiania has 
interpreted a runic inscription which was found in Norway in 1817. 
According to him the inscription commemorated the death of one or 
more persons while on a voyage to Vinland. The character of the 
runes takes the inscription back to an early period before 1050 and 
perhaps as early as 1010. Unfortunately the characters which are 
supposed to represent the first part of the word Vinland are 
obliterated in the copy of the inscription upon which Professor 
Bugge based his research, and the original inscription is lost. 
The paper 8 is in Norwegian, but a summary in French, which is 
appended to the original work, is reprinted in the Proceedings of 
the Massachusetts Historical Society, Second Series, xvi, 272. 

III. Christopher Columbus. — The intrinsic interest of the theme 
and the controversies which have centered about it have resulted in 
a mass of matter relating to Columbus and his career. First of all in 
value is the great Raccolta di Documenti e Studif which contains the 
writings of Columbus, documents necessary to an understanding of 
his life, and admirable dissertations on interesting points and persons. 
These sources, with the writings of Peter Martyr, 4 the History of the 
Life and Actions 5 of Columbus which is associated with the name of 

1 Joseph Fischer, Die Entdeckungen 
der Normannen in America. Freiburg 
in Breisgau, 1902. An English translation 
by B. H. Soulsby was published at London 
in 1903 (The Discoveries of the Norsemen 
in America). The Bibliography of the 
Norse discoveries prefixed to the English 
edition of this work (xi-xxiv) is the most 
complete in existence. 

a The fuU title of this brochure is 
Norges Indskrifter med de yngre Runer, 
udgivne for det norske Kildeskriftfond ; 
Hoenen-Runerne fra Ringer ike. Kris- 
tiania, 1902. 

* Raccolta di Documenti e Studi ; 
pubblicati dalla Reale Commissione CoU 
ombiana pel quarto centenario dalla 
scoperta dell 1 America. 14 vols. Rome, 

4 Peter Martyr's "Letters" give as 
the impression of the hour. Later he 

placed in finished form the more com- 
plete information, which he had then 
collected, in a work known as De Orbe 
Novo. The bibliography is fully set forth 
in Winsor's America t ii. The three letters 
written at the time of Columbus's return 
from his first voyage are translated in 
Harrisse's Notes on Columbus t 130-134. 
The first three "Decades" of the Orbe 
Novo were translated into English by 
Richard Eden and printed in London in 
1556, and have often been reprinted. 

• The History of the Life and Actions 
of Admiral Christopher Columbus is 
translated in Churchill's Voyages, ii, 
557-688; also in Kerr's Voyages, ii. As 
to the authorship of this work, see Har- 
risse's Fernand Colomb, or his Christophe 
Colomb, or Winsor's Columbus, 43, where 
Harrisse's ideas are summarized. 

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Ferdinand, his son, Las Casas's Historia de las India*, 1 and the matter 
on this subject in Oviedo* and Herrera, 8 will serve all except the 
most exacting students. It may be noted in passing that Ferdinand 
Columbus and Las Casas accompanied the Admiral on his fourth 
voyage, and that Peter Martyr gives us oftentimes the words of the 
explorer as he remembered to have heard them. 

Henry Harrisse, in his Christophe Colomb, 4 has summarized the 
existing knowledge on the subject. He is severely critical, some- 
times too much so; but the scholarly marshaling of facts compels 
the student's admiration. Winsor , s Columbus reflects Harrisse's 
opinions, and is even more severe in dealing with the sources and 
with Columbus. Of the older books, Navarrete's Cokccion 5 is by far 
the most valuable. Irving's Columbus* is founded mainly upon it, 
and it furnished Humboldt with much of the documentary basis of 
his remarkable Examen Critique. Many and important papers have 
been discovered since Navarrete and Irving wrote ; in their day their 
works were remarkable productions. The inflated rhetoric with 
which Irving clothed his ideas has prejudiced modern students 
against his book ; it is only fair, therefore, to say that Irving read 
with care the documents known in his day, and transferred them to 
English prose with a degree of faithfulness which was unusual at 
the time. The " Critical Essay " in the second volume of Winsor's 
America is an admirable presentation of the bibliography of the 
subject, although now somewhat out of date. 7 Of the smaller books, 

* Bartolome* de las Casas, Historia de 
las Indian. 5 vols. Madrid, 1875. It is 
stated that this work, written in the six- 
teenth century, could not be published 
sooner, owing to its sweeping condem- 
nation of Spanish rule in the Indies. 

s The only complete edition of Oviedofe 
Historia General y Natural de las India* 
is that published by the Royal Academy 
of History at Madrid, 1851-A5, 4 vols. It 
has never been translated into English. 

• Herrera's Historia General de las 
Indias exists in several editions, the best 
being that of 1728. The portion relating 
to Columbus is little more than a repeti- 
tion of what is in Las Casas. A poor 
English translation was printed at Lon- 
don in 1725. 

4 Henry Harrisse, Christophe Colomb, 
son origine, sa vie, see voyages, safamille 
A ses descendants; d'apres des docu- 

ments inidits tins des Archives de GSnes, 
de Savone, de Seville et de Madrid : etudes 
tThistoire critique. 2 vols. Paris, 1884- 
85. It forms one number of Schefer and 
Cordier's Xecueil de Voyages et de Docu- 
ments, but may be obtained separately 
for about $25. 

* Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, 
Coleccion de los viages y de'scubrimientos, 
que hicieron por mar los Espafioles desde 
fines del sigh zv. 5 vols. Madrid, 

* Washington Irving, Life and Voy- 
ages of Christopher Columbus. 4 vols. 
New York, 1828. Fiske's one-volume 
edition is in many respects an improve- 
ment on the original, but most persons 
will prefer to use the book as Irving 
wrote it. 

* Columbus's " Letter " describing his 
first voyage exists in more than one form ; 

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Sir Clements R. Markham's brief biography is the best ; indeed it 
is one of the best books on Columbus, large or small. How Colum- 
bus appears to a modern Spaniard is seen in Emilio Castelar's 
articles in the Century Magazine (New Series, xxii). 

IV. Geography and Navigation before Columbus. — On the geo- 
graphical knowledge of ancient days, see H. F. Tozer's Selections 
from Strdbo, with an Introduction on Strdbo's Life and Works, and 
E. H. Bunbury's History of Ancient Geography ... till the FaU of 
the Roman Empire (2 vols., London, 1879). C. Raymond Beazeley's 
Dawn of Modern Geography (2 vols., London, 1897-1901) and the 
earlier portions of his Prince Henry (Heroes of the Nations Series) 
bring the story of the development of geography down to Columbian 
times. Kretschmer {Die Entdeckung Amerika's, chs. i, ii) gives an 
admirable summary ; in Geographische Zeitschrift, v, 7-19, he has an 
article on Die Entdeckung des Seeweges nach Ostindien. Octave No£l, 
in his Histoire du Commerce du Monde (ii, chs. i, ii), presents some 
interesting matter on the art of navigation in the fifteenth century. 
W. H. Tillinghast's chapter in Winsor's America (vol. i) will satisfy 
most readers. 

V. Strata's Statement — Professor Morris H. Morgan has kindly 
translated the passage from Strabo's Geography (I, 64, 65) which is 
referred to in the text : — 

Urging still further that it is in accordance with Nature to say 
that the distance from the Orient to the Occident is greater, 1 he 
[Eratosthenes] says that it is in accordance with Nature that the 
inhabited Earth should be, as we have said, longer 2 from the East 

but there is no vital difference between the Reprints," and elsewhere. The"Journal" 

several early editions. What is known as is translated in full in Samuel KettelTs 

the " Journal " is really an abstract made Personal Narrative of the First Voyage 

byLasCasas. This writer and Ferdinand of Columbus to America, Boston, 1827, 

Columbus, or some one from whom they and in Markham's Hakluyt Society vol- 

drew, used the "Journal" in a more time entitled Journal of Christopher 

extended form. Their books, therefore, Columbus during his First Voyage ; and 

contain some matter which is not in the Documents relating to the Voyages of 

"Journal" as we have it; but those who John Cabot and Caspar Corte Beat, 

have carefully compared them aU report London, 1893. Columbian bibliography 

that the abstract contains all the essential is set forth by Harrisse in his Christophe 

matter. Both the "Journal" and the Colomb and by Winsor in his America 

" Letter " are printed in J. B. Thacher's (vol. ii), and in his Columbus. 

Columbus, in the original texts and in * Greater ; i.e. than from north to 

translation. The " Letter " is also found south, as the preceding chapter shows, 

in Major's Select Letters (Hakluyt Society * Longer ; used like greater above. 
Series), 2d ed., 1870, in the "Quaritch 

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to the West; 1 ... to use the mathematicians' 8 phrase, makes a con- 
tinuous circle by uniting with itself, so that if the great size of the 
Atlantic Sea did not prevent, we might sail from Spain to India on 
the same parallel, although the remaining portion, besides the dis- 
tance mentioned 8 is more than one third of the entire circle; since 
the parallel of Athens, on which we made in stadia the above men- 
tioned calculation 4 of the distance from India to Spain, is less than 
200,000 stadia in length. He [Eratosthenes] is therefore wrong on 
this point also; for this phrase about "the temperate zone wherein 
we are" and to which the inhabited portion of the Earth belongs, 
may well be used in the mathematicians' sense, but with respect to 
the inhabited Earth . . . ; f or by this we mean the portion which 
we ourselves inhabit and of which we have knowledge. But it is 
possible that within the same temperate zone there may be two or 
even more inhabited earths, and particularly in the neighborhood of 
the circle drawn through Athens and the Atlantic Sea. 

VL Bacon's Statement — Following are the words used by Roger 
Bacon (Bridges's Opus Majus of Roger Bacon, i, 290) : " Dicit Aris- 
toteles quod mare parvum est inter finem Hispaniae a parte occidentis 
et inter principium Indiae a parte orientis. Et Seneca libro quinto 
Naturalium dicit quod mare hoc est navigabile in paucissimis die- 
bus, si ventus sit conveniens." It appears that Bacon must have 
been quoting from memory, since the passage to which he evidently 
referred is in the First Book and not the Fifth Book of Seneca's 
NaturcUium Quaestionem as follows (Note to the above page of 
Bridges's Bacon): "Quantum enim est, quod ab ultimis litoribus 
Hispaniae usque ad Indos jacet ? Paucissimorum dierum spatium, 
si navem suus ferat ventus implebit." Professor Bourne (Essays in 
Historical Criticism, 221) thinks that Seneca had no reference to 
a passage across the Atlantic, but had in mind an eastern way 
to Asia. It seems certain, however, that Columbus understood 
Seneca in the same sense that Bacon did, whether this was right or 

VII. Toscanelli's Letter. — Following are the words of Las Casas 
from his Historia, i, 92 (edition of 1876) : — 

1 In this lacuna there probably was • Probably the distance by land from 

the phrase meaning: the temperate zone India in the East to Spain in the West, 

wherein we are. which was treated of in the preceding 

8 This word as used here denotes sci- chapter, 

entitle men. « i n section V preceding. 

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Rescibida la carta de Cristdbal 
Colon, el dicho maestro Paulo, 
respondidle una carta en latin, en- 
corporando la que habia escripto 
al Hernando Martinez, can6nigo, 
la cual yo vide y tuve en mi mano 
vuelta de latin en romance, que 
decia desta manera. 

Having received the letter 
from Christopher Columbus, the 
said Master Paul [Toscanelli] 
replied with a letter in Latin, in- 
corporating therewith one which 
he had written to Hernando Mar- 
tinez, Canon, which I have seen 
and held in my hand translated 
from Latin to Romance, which 
followeth in this form. 

Then comes the Las Casas version of the Toscanelli Letter. In 
the passage above quoted the final clause clearly refers to the whole 
letter. See also p. 95 of the same volume. The sentences which are 
quoted above, excepting the final clause, are given in English in 
Thacher's Columbus, i, 301. Henry Vignaud, Letters and Chart of 
Toscanelli (London, 1902), p. 158, states that Las Casas lent him- 
self to a deceit, " devised for the purpose of exalting the merit of 
Columbus." In the appendices to Vignaud's work and in Thacher's 
Columbus (vol. i, p. 302) will be found the Toscanelli Letters in the 
original texts and in translation. 

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The idea of obligation to one's fatherland is of modern 
growth. At the end of the fifteenth century and the 
beginning of the sixteenth century and for years there- 
after, men of skill and daring served those masters who 
paid them best or gave them the chance to do that which 
ambition stirred within them. The Genoese Columbus 
and the Genoese Cabot served Spain and England ; the 
Florentine Americus Vespucius and the Portuguese Ma- 
gellan served Spain; and the German Behaim sailed in 
the employ of the king of Portugal. Of these, John Cabot 1 
was born in Genoa, was naturalized in Venice, and did the 
work which gave him a place in history under letters 
patent from Henry VII of England. 

The impelling reasons for John Cabot's western voyage 
toward Cathay have never been satisfactorily explained. 
He may have talked over the project of finding an all-sea 
route to India with Christopher Columbus or with Bar- 
tholomew, his brother ; he may have conversed with Martin 
Behaim when the latter was in the Portuguese service, for 
Cabot at one time visited Portugal ; or he may, independ- 
ently, have come to the conclusion that the shores of 
Cathay were not far distant from England, beyond Ireland. 
There are shadowy hints of a Cabot voyage toward the 
territory of the Grand Khan as early as 1490 ; but the usual 
statement is that the expedition of 1497 was the direct 

1 For the leading works on Cabot, see Note I. 
▼ol. i. — d 33 

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outcome of the Columbian discovery. The connecting 
links, however, are hard to find. At all events, in May, 
1497, John Cabot sailed from Bristol on his perilous quest. 
Small as were the resources of Columbus, the available 
means of the Bristol mariner were even more slender. 
Columbus had three vessels, Cabot had one ; Columbus 
had ninety men, Cabot had eighteen. Yet the latter 
essayed to cross the Atlantic in the stormy northern lati- 
tudes, beside which the passage from the Canaries to the 
Antilles was child's play. Passing around the southern 
end of Ireland, John Cabot steered north and west and 
then west, until, sometime in June, 1497, he anchored his 
little ship off the coasts of "the territory of the Grand 
Khan." He saw no inhabitants ; but notched trees, snares 
for game, and needles for making nets showed that the 
land was occupied by human beings. Early in the fol- 
lowing August, he was again in Bristol. It seems to be 
reasonably certain that in the next year (1498) he sailed 
from England for the newly found land and that he never 
returned. 1 These few words tell almost everything that is 
known of John Cabot. Such as they are, these statements 
are based on letters written by Italians, the cosmopolitans 
of that age, who were then residing in England, to their 
friends and employers in Italy. These letters 8 being con- 
temporaneous and " unconscious " are the best of all evi- 
dence and cannot be gainsaid. 

Lost in the gloom of the Western Ocean, John Cabot 
almost at once passed out of the ken of mankind. As his 
disappearance became more and more complete, the figure 

1 Harrisse (American Historical Re- shows that money was paid to the credit 

view, iii, 449) asserts that there is good of John Cabot in 1489; it does not show 

reason to think that Cabot returned to that money was paid to him in person. 
England, but the evidence is scanty ; see * They are printed more or less exten- 

The Cabot Roll, The Customs Roll of sively in nearly every modern account of 

the Port of Bristol, a.d. 1496-99. This the Cabots. 

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of Sebastian, his son, loomed larger and more large. The 
younger Cabot became Piloto Mayor, or Chief Hydrogra- 
pher to the king of Spain. After thirty-six years passed 
in that service, Sebastian returned to England and served 
as adviser to the Lords of the Admiralty. In 1557, full of 
years and honor, he died. At the end, he was the Nestor 
of seamen, uniting the age of Columbus and Vespucius 
with that of Willoughby and Chancellor. It was natural 
that sixteenth-century compilers should associate with 
Sebastian 1 whatever was worthy of remark clinging to 
the Cabot name. 

Only two bits of evidence as to the Cabot voyages can 
be traced directly to Sebastian. In both of these state- 
ments John Cabot is said to have been the discoverer ; in 
both Sebastian's name is coupled with that of his father. 
George Parker Winship most truly and justly remarks 
that there exists no ground upon which to base an abso- 
lute denial of the truth of these statements. The first of 
these bits of evidence is the inscription 2 on the portrait of 
Sebastian Cabot : — 

Effigies • Sebastiani Caboti 
Angli • Filii • Joh&nis • Caboti Vene 
Ti • Militis • Avrati • Primi • invfit 
oris • Terrae novae sub Herico VII. Angl 
lae Rege. 

There is slight doubt of the authenticity of the portrait, 
and the inscription is generally regarded as of the same 
age as the painting. The original portrait once belonged 

1 Gossip told at second hand by Ra- lated in Eden's Decades of the Newe 

musio is largely responsible for the idea Worlde (London, 1555), p. 255; and often 

that Sebastian claimed to be the discov- reprinted thence, as in Hakluyt's Voy- 

erer. See Ramnsio's Primo Volume, <fc ages, ed. 1600, iii, 6. 

Terza editione delle Navigationi et Ft- * Winsor's America, iii, 31. 
aggi (Venice, 1563), p. 374 E. Trans- 

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to the royal gallery at Whitehall. After adorning the 
breakfast room of a Scottish lord, it indirectly came into 
the possession of Richard Biddle of Pittsburg, Pennsyl- 
vania, and, with his library, was burned in 1845. Fortu- 
nately, he had already described it, and two copies of it 
had been made which are still in existence. 1 The inscrip- 
tion was unquestionably on the picture when Biddle ac- 
quired it ; but there is no evidence that Sebastian Cabot 
authorized it or ever saw it. It certainly is inaccurate in 
that it describes Sebastian as a knight. 

The second bit of evidence connecting Sebastian with 
the discovery is the so-called Cabot Map 9 which is pre- 
served at Paris. On the face of this map is the declara- 
tion that " Sebastian Cabot . . . made this figure in the 
year . . . 1544." On the sides of the map and on the 
map itself are printed legends describing the countries 
therein depicted. On the land north of the St. Lawrence 
is a reference to Legend No. 8, which has been thus 
translated : — 

No. 8. This land was discovered by Juan Cabot, a Venetian, and 
by Sebastian Cabot, his son, in the year of the birth of our Saviour 
Jesus Christ 1494, on the 24th of June, in the morning, to which 
they gave the name of " first land seen " (prima tierra vista) ; and to a 
large island which is situated along the said land they gave the name 
San Juan, because it had been discovered the same day. The people 
of it are dressed in the skins of animals. They use in their wars bows 
and arrows, lances and darts, and certain clubs of wood, and slings. 
It is a very sterile land. There are in it many white bears, and very 
large stags like horses, and many other animals ; and likewise there 
is infinite fish, — sturgeons, salmon, very large soles a yard in length, 
and many other kinds of fish, — and the greatest quantity of them 
is called (baccallaos) codfish; and likewise there are in the same 
land hawks black as crows, eagles, partridges, linnets, and many other 
kinds of birds of different species. 

i Biddle'8 Sebastian Cabot, Appendix F. * See Note I. 

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It will be noticed that the date of the discovery as 
given in the preceding extract 1 is 1494 instead of 1497, 
which is the date given in the contemporaneous letters. 
Students are united in thinking that the 1494 was a mis- 
print for 1497.* The original map, which is preserved at 
Paris, has only recently been fully accessible to scholars; 
but now the art of photography has made it possible to 
study with care the dubious lines and the legends which 
accompany it. 

The landfall of the 1497 voyage has been the subject of 
vigorous and sometimes acrimonious controversy. Charles 
Deane, usually the safest of guides, thought that it was at 
Cape Breton Island. He based this conclusion on the fact 
that on the Cabot Map, stretching across the Gulf of St. 
Lawrence from the northerly end of that island to the 
southern coast of Labrador, are the words Prima tierra 
vista (first land seen). One objection to this view is the 
fact that the reference on the map to Legend No. 8, a 
translation of which has just been given, is clearly placed 
on Labrador and not on Nova Scotia or Cape Breton 
Island. Henry Harrisse, on other grounds, strenuously 
argues for the eastern Labrador coast ; but Winship points 
out that the descriptions in the legends and in the con- 
temporaneous letters forbid so high a latitude. In view 
of this uncertainty, it seems to be useless to seek a defi- 
nite point for the landfall ; it surely was north of Halifax 
and south of Hudson Strait. 

The Cabot Map bears the date of 1544 ; but there are 
several maps which were made soon after the Cabot voy- 
ages that delineate, among other things, the English dis- 

* Massachusetts Historical Society's that the copyist in writing MDXCVU 

Proceedings, Second Series, vi, 333. failed to join the lower angle of the V, 

9 The date is given in Roman numer- so that it resembled two I's and was 

alfl and the conjecture has been made printed MDXCIIII. 

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coveries. The first of these maps was made by Juan de la 
Cosa in 1500. 1 It was painted in brilliant colors on an ox- 
hide and now hangs in the Arsenal at Madrid. It is the 
oldest map since the discovery of America which is now 
known. La Cosa depicted Cuba as an island. To the 
northward and stretching northeastwardly is a long line of 
seacoast, to the middle portion of which the cartographer 
attached English flags and stated that this region was dis- 
covered by the English. Farther to the northeast in the 
ocean is a land to which a Portuguese flag is affixed which 
records the explorations of the Corte-Reals.* Moreover, 
the coast to the south and west of the English portion is 
continued westward and is removed a considerable distance 
from Cuba ; but whether this mainland represents La Cosa's 
attempt to combine Asiatic and Columbian coasts or states 
knowledge of the shores of what is now called North America 
cannot be determined. Another map was made a year or 
two later for Alberto Cantino, envoy of the Duke of Fer- 
rara at the court of Portugal. It is a very large map, and 
is still in good preservation except that some portions of 
the edges have been sheared away. This map shows a land 
near Cuba and northwest of that island, which is generally 
recognized as the peninsula of Florida, and thence continues 
the coast line northward. Out in the ocean is the end of 
a peninsula, which seems to be Greenland, and south and 
west of this is the fragment of a coast line which is labelled 

* See Note m. ria Historica and his 0$ Corte-Reaes. 

*Harrisse in his Les Corte-Real et These last books were printed at St. 

fours Voyages an Nouveau-Monde (" Be- Miguel in 1883. All these works deal 

cneil de Voyages et de Documents ") generally with Portuguese expeditions to 

has treated this subject with his accus- America. Dr. J. Q. Kohl's account of the 

tomed care and good judgment. He gives Discovery of Maine, forming volume one 

many of the documents in this work, and of the " Documentary History of the State 

also in his Jean et Sibastien Cabot, The of Maine," is still the best narrative in 

papers in the original Portuguese are English. Other works, both original 

in Bettencourt's Descobrimentos . ■ . dos and secondary, are enumerated in Win- 

Portugueses and In Do Canto's Memo- sor's America, iv, 12-16. 

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(This sketch of the American part of the Cant! no Map is made from the colored fac- 
simile in Harrisse's Co rte- Reals. Only enough of the ornamentation is shown to 
indicate its character ; most of the names are also omitted.) 

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" Terra del Rey de Portugall." A third map was made by 
Martin Waldseemiiller in 1507, or perhaps a little earlier. 
It is constructed on a peculiar projection which is known 
as the elongated cordiform, and which distorts the lands 
on the right and left borders. The map also contains the 
two hemispheres in the form of insets. On the main 
map the American lands occupy the extreme western por- 
tion ; but on the inset America is shown in the center of 
one of the hemispheres. The maker of this map, taking 
the main map and the inset together, seems to have been 
uncertain as to whether America, which is so called here 
for the first time, 1 was a part of Asia or was independent. 
In the inset a considerable body of water lies to the west 
of the American continent, but the western limit of that 
land is so shown that this may well indicate only uncer- 
tainty in the mind of the draughtsman. 2 If the main map 
is tilted around so as to get Florida and Cuba in their 
proper positions, the delineation corresponds very closely 
to that of the Cantino Map. These maps are important 
because their makers seem to have possessed information 
far beyond that which any documents that have been pre- 
served tell modern students. It has been suggested that 
the cartographers put in these coast lines from imagina- 
tion, but it seems unlikely that they could have invented 
so accurate a shore, or that merely to gratify their fancy 

1 B. H. Soulsby {Geographical Jour- apparently shows Cuba as a peninsula 
not, xix, 201) describes a map in the extending from Asia, and a map attrib- 
John Carter Brown Library, which shows uted to Bartholomew Columbus, and 
the word "America," and is supposed supposed to have been made in 1502, 
to antedate by a year or so the map seems to connect " Mondo Novo " or 
described above. The map of 1507 is South America with Asia. These exam- 
reproduced in Fischer and Wieser's Die pies of uncertainty might easily be con- 
Alteste Karte mit dem Namen Amerika tinned, but enough has been said to show 
aus dem Jahre 1607 (printed in German the danger of dogmatizing from these 
and in English) . early maps. For the Columbus map, see 

* On the other hand an anonymous F. R. v. Wieser's Die Karte dee Bar* 

map of 1502-04, which is sometimes tolomeo Colombo. 
called the "Munich-Portuguese Map," 

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they would have placed so many names on the principal 
points along these coasts. 

The delineation of Cuba as an island and of Florida as 
a peninsula on these maps make it extremely probable 
that some navigator or navigators had sailed around Cuba 
seven years at least before Ocampo, and had visited Flor- 
ida twelve years or more before Ponce de Leon ; but who 
this navigator was is not known. The Brazilian antiqua- 
rian, Francisco Adolpho de Varnhagen, 1 asserts that the 
unknown visitor to the shores of what is now the United 
States was no less a person than Americus Vespucius. It 
may have been so, for no more incomprehensible and in- 
scrutable character waylays the modern historical student 
than he in whose honor the New World is named. His 
career has been studied assiduously and interpreted vari- 
ously and vigorously. On the one hand, Sir Clements R. 
Markham, President of the Royal Geographical Society, 
brands him as an impostor who fraudulently filched from 
Columbus the honor so richly his due. On the other 
hand, Varnhagen, with a childlike confidence, believes 
nearly everything that Americus Vespucius ever wrote or 
that any one has ever claimed was written by him. 

Whether John Cabot shall still be regarded as the dis- 
coverer of North America, or whether that distinction 
should be given to Americus Vespucius, may be a matter 
for debate. Certain it is that it is extremely difficult to 
find any middle course of safety in treating the latter's 
career. A few things, however, may be stated with some 
degree of security. There certainly was a man whom we 
call Americus Vespucius, although in his own day he was 
known by names ranging from "Albericus" to "Morigo." 2 

i See Note IV. 

» Winsor gives the various forms in his America, ii, 129, note ; 179. note. 

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He was a Florentine who had drifted to Spain as did so 
many men in that century. At one period he was a 
merchant and may have been a "beef contractor," as 
Markham seeks to stigmatize him. Suddenly, in middle 
life, he abandoned his business career and went to sea. 
He made voyages of unknown number. Only one of these 
has been identified with any degree of certainty by schol- 
ars from the time of Columbus's friend, Las Casas, to the 
day of Harrisse and Markham. Probably he was with 
Alonso de Ojeda in 1499, because Ojeda, under oath, 
stated that La Cosa, Morigo Vespuche, and other pilots 
went with Jiim on an expedition in that year to the 
northern coasts of South America. 1 The fact that Ojeda 
groups Morigo Vespuche with La Cosa in this statement 
seems to imply either that Morigo Vespuche was not the 
Florentine merchant and seaman or that Americus Ves- 
pucius had followed the sea for a much longer time than 
any one hitherto has suggested. There is no question 
that Americus Vespucius wrote accounts of voyages and 
that accounts bearing his name led directly to the chris- 
tening of the New World. It is very doubtful, however, 
if the precise text in which Americus appears to claim the 
honor of being the discoverer of the Novus Orhis represents 
faithfully anything ever written by him. The last ten 
years of his life were passed in the service of Spain as 
Piloto Mayor, — another fact which tends to show that 
Americus Vespucius was a trained navigator. He died in 
1512, full of years and fame and unmindful of the immor- 
tality which ignorance and euphony were to attach to his 

It is useless to attempt to follow the controversies which 
have been fought over the career of Americus Vespucius. 

i Navarrete's Colecdon, lii, 644. 

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There is no original manuscript of his in existence describ- 
ing the voyage of 1497 ; and the Latin and Italian versions 
of some long-lost original abound in errors. Moreover, in 
the records of that time, so far as we know them, there is 
not the vaguest hint of any Spanish voyage in 1497, and 
Americus Vespucius, as a navigator, is almost entirely 
ignored. Las Casas 1 mentions him indeed, but only to 
hold him up to scorn. Nevertheless, it is only right to 
say that the lack of mention of the 1497 voyage is no 
proof that it was not made. Desire for the New World 
was on men, but only the subjects of Castile were offi- 
cially permitted to gather its riches. Whoever else went 
there had every possible reason to conceal the fact of his 
going, for confiscation of his cargo and severe punishment 
for himself awaited such transgressions. Finally, it should 
be noted that the careful student of the maritime history 
of the years 1498 to 1512 repeatedly finds unexpected 
mention of authorized voyages of which he previously had 
no knowledge. 9 

The story of the naming of America offers less difficulty 
to the seeker, although it is not entirely free from thorny 
questions. The letters of Columbus and the news of his 
discovery aroused comparatively little attention, as any one 
can see by studying the records of that time. Those who 
heard of him and his doings thought of him as a seaman 
who had found a new route to India and had stumbled 
upon some islands off the Asiatic coast. Americus Vespu- 
cius appeared in an entirely different guise, for the Latin 
version of his third letter made him say, " I have found a 

* Las Casas's Historia de las India*. an island, for many affirm that they have 

The portions commenting on Vespucius sailed around it; " but the first recorded 

are translated by Markham in his Letters circumnavigation of Cuba is that by 

of Amerigo Vespucci, 6&-108. Ocampo in 1508. See Harrisse's Dis- 

2 For instance, Peter Martyr, writing covery of America, 101. 
about 1501, declares that " Cuba may be 

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continent in that southern part ; more populous and more 
full of animals than our Europe, or Asia, or Africa, and 
even more temperate and pleasant than any other region 
known to us." The title itself of this edition aroused 
expectation, for it was a New World, " Mundus Novus," 
that was described therein and not merely a new route to 
an old land, as was the burden of the Columbian song. 1 
The letter in this form was printed in many editions and 
was widely circulated. It chanced that at St. Dife in the 
Vosges Mountains there was a little collegiate establish- 
ment which at one time had sheltered Pierre d'Ailly, the 
compiler of the " Imago Mundi." This institution had re- 
cently acquired a printing press and plans of publication 
were pertinaciously pushed. Among others, Mathias Ring- 
mann, Professor of Latin, and Martin Waldseemtiller, 
teacher of geography, had in hand a new edition of Ptol- 
emy's Geography. While that scheme was taking shape 
they printed a little essay on the constitution of the uni- 
verse. It was entitled Cosmographies Introductio and pur- 
ported to be the work of " Hylacomylus," which was the 
pen name of Waldseemiiller. With this essay, possibly 
to make the performance more sizable, were printed the 
Vespucian letters in the Latin version, prefaced by com- 
mendatory verses of Ringmann's. Not to be outdone by 
the poetical linguist, or, possibly, at his instigation, Wald- 
seemiiller suggested that the New World having been 
found by Americus should be named, in his honor, 
America. The islands which Columbus had discovered 
in the neighborhood of Cipango and Cathay would con- 

1 It is true that Columbus stated that See an admirable and brief article on 
on his third voyage in 1498 he had found " The Naming of America" by Edward 
another world, but this letter was not O. Bourne in American Historical Re- 
printed until 1508, while the Vespucian view, x, 41. 
letter was widely known from 1603 on. 

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tinue to bear the names he had given to them, while 
the " Mundus Novus " would properly be named for its 
discoverer, Americus Vespucius. More than one edition 
of this conglomerate work was printed in 1507, and the 
Vespucian-Ringmanu part was also printed separately, 
to the subsequent delight of bibliographers. From this 
slight beginning the idea of naming the New World 
America developed, at first slowly, then more rapidly. 
When it became evident that not only the "Mundus 
Novus" was a land by itself, but that all the lands dis- 
covered by Columbus and Cabot and their contempo- 
raries were likewise isolated from the Old World, the 
name America spread until it was applied to all the 
mainland ; but the islands continued to be spoken of, 
for many years, as if they formed part of the Indies. 1 

Before dismissing this subject from our minds, it 
should in fairness be stated that no evidence has ever 
been brought forward to prove that Americus Vespucius 
instigated or acquiesced in the claim that he had discov- 
ered the New World. The Latin text of the " Third Let- 
ter " is so unlike the Italian text of the same document 
that we may absolve Americus from this charge until 
some proof of his complicity is submitted. Editors, even 
in our day, take strange liberties with their texts. It is 
possible, therefore, that the lines in the Latin text are the 
work of the French editor, Jean Bassin, or of some un- 
known translator from whose work he compiled the Latin 

It was with Alonso de Ojeda that Americus Vespucius 
visited South America in 1499. With them was Juan de 
la Cosa, who first sailed to the Indies with Columbus in 

1 America was applied to both continents lor the first time in 1M1 on the Mer- 
cator Map published in that year. 

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1492 as master or mate of the flagship, of which he was 
the owner. He was chief navigator of the Admiral's 
fleet in 1493. 1 For years Ojeda and La Cosa together 
or singly explored the northern shore of South America. 
At length, bitten with the colonizing fever, they set forth 
to found a settlement in that region. Their ending was 
most unhappy ; La Cosa, killed by a poisoned arrow, was 
found suspended from a limb of a tree, his body swollen 
to double its size in life. Poisoned arrows, indeed, made 
dealings with the natives of that region so dangerous that 
the settlers found it impossible to steal the scanty stores 
of food which the Indians had laid by. The provisions 
which the settlers had brought with them from Espanola 
soon gave out, and Ojeda sailed for the older settlements 
to procure fresh supplies. Shipwreck and hardships over- 
took him, and he disappears from history in the guise of 
a wandering beggar. 

Aiding La Cosa and Ojeda in their enterprise was a 
lawyer of San Domingo named Enciso. Sailing from that 
island with food and recruits for the perishing settle- 
ment, he had got well away from land, when from the 
bunt of a rolled-up sail or from a cask — for the accounts 
differ — there suddenly appeared a bankrupt farmer of 
Espanola. His name was Vasco Nunez de Balboa, 2 whom 
our English ancestors frequently call Blasco Nunnez, and 
whom we generally dignify with the name of Balboa. He 
had adopted this mode of escape from his creditors, for 
in that time even those indebted to the condemned of the 

1 Harrisse's Discovery of America, H. H. Bancroft's Central America (i, 281*- 

711. 308 and 336 note) and Arthur Heine's 

* The best account of Balboa and his Spanish Conquest in America (1, 303- 

doings is in Irving's Companions of 317) are excellent accounts. The sources 

Columbus (103, 117, 138-146), which is are enumerated in Winsor's America, ii, 

hardly more than a free rendering of the 209-213. 
third volume of Navarrete's Coleccion. 

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Inquisition were hunted out and forced to pay their debts. 1 
Enciso had half a mind to maroon the absconder on the 
first desert island that loomed above the horizon, but the 
supplications of the bankrupt were too much even for 
the lawyer's stony heart; and, unhappily for himself, 
Enciso took the stowaway with him. Arrived at the set- 
tlement, and cognizant of the state of affairs which pre- 
vailed in that vicinity, Balboa suggested a removal to a 
region farther west, to a place where the Indians did 
not use poisoned arrows. Enciso fell in with this plan, 
although it carried him outside the limits which had 
been assigned to him and his partners. Once arrived at 
the new location, which was on the Isthmus of Darien, 
Balboa refused obedience to Enciso and sent him to Spain 
to lay his complaints before the far-off Spanish monarch, 2 
and requested the king to allow no more " bachillers of 
law" to come to the Indies, "for no bachiller has ever 
come here who was not a devil and who led the life of a 
devil." Then appeared Nicuesa, who had a regular ap- 
pointment as governor of that region ; him Balboa caused 
to be so thoroughly frightened that he sailed away in a 
small boat and was never heard from more. Whether 
Nicuesa went down in a hurricane, or starved to death, or 
furnished a scanty meal to some devouring Carib is one of 
the puzzles of the history of the time. At all events he 
disappeared, and Balboa expressed his opinion of these 
incapable rulers in a letter to the king of Spain. " They 
imagined," he says, "that they could rule the land and 
do all that was necessary from their beds. . . . But the 

1 Letter of Ferdinand to Diego Colum- his opportunity, Enciso is chiefly remem- 

bus, 1510, in American Historical Review, bered as the author of the first book re- 

iii, 83. lating to America printed in the Spanish 

* Navarrete's Coleccion, iii, 374. En- language : Suma de geografia que trata 

ciso later returned to " Tierra Firme "in de las Indias. Sevilla, 1519. 
a minor capacity. Besides giving Balboa 

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1513] BALBOA 49 

nature of the land is such that, if he, who has charge of 
the government, sleeps, he cannot awake when he wishes ; 
for it is a land that obliges him who governs it to be very 
watchful," l — a statement which is as true to-day as it 
was at the time of its writing. By incessant explorings, 
by firm treatment of his unruly companions, and by shrewd 
kindness to the natives Balboa made good his place, and 
procured food, gold, and information. 

The most important bit of intelligence that came to 
Balboa was from the son of an Indian chief. Seeing the 
Spaniards squabbling over the scanty pickings of gold 
which they had gathered, he told them not to dispute over 
such trifles. Beyond the southward mountains was a 
great water whose waves washed the shores of the golden 
land whence this treasure had come ; there, indeed, gold 
was so plentiful that the commonest utensils were made 
of it. This was not the first time that Europeans had 
heard rumors of the existence of a great ocean to the west. 
Columbus on his fourth voyage had heard them ; but he 
had no wish to find more water, — the lands of Asia were 
his goal. Balboa, on the contrary, had every reason to 
desire by some great achievement to atone for his mis- 
deeds and, possibly, to secure thereby the means to satisfy 
his creditors. 

With less than two hundred men Balboa set out on his 
hard adventure. Strange as it may seem, the route by 
which he crossed the Isthmus of Darien is one of the few 
bits of the earth's surface now absolutely forbidden to 
civilized man. For two centuries and more, almost since 
the days of the buccaneers, the Indians of that fever- 
stricken and densely wooded country have refused to 
admit any outsider to its recesses. With Balboa it fell 

* Translated in Markham's Andagoya, 5, note. 
vol. i. — B 

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out otherwise, for after only one serious combat, the Span- 
iards encamped on the side of a mountain from whose 
crest could be seen the water of the new sea, — at least so 
their guide stated. The next morning with a picked band 
Vasco Nunez de Balboa began the last ascent With dra- 
matic instinct characteristic of the man, while yet a few 
feet below the top of the last ridge, he halted his men. 
Alone on a peak of Darien, at ten o'clock in the morning 
of September 26, 1513, gazing southwards he saw the waters 
of the new sea. He named it Mar del Sur or South Sea. 
Of this sea, of all the islands in it, of all firm lands on 
its borders, he took possession for his master, the king of 
Spain. The water seemed to be near at hand ; but the 
tropical wilderness between it and the mountain baffled 
the explorers. After four days of effort they reached the 
salt water. It turned out that what they had seen was 
not the ocean, but a large gulf which they named San 
Miguel, — for the patron saint of the day. Wading into 
the water, with banner in one hand and drawn sword in 
the other, Balboa again took possession of the new sea and 
its attendant lands. Later on the discoverers gained the 
shore of the ocean itself ; and, that there might be no 
mistake, Balboa for the third time went through the 
ceremony of taking possession, — on each occasion the fact 
was properly recorded and attested by all the Christians 

There is no hint in the old narratives that the Spanish 
explorers in the New World or the geographers in Europe 
had any conception of the true meaning of this discovery ; 
it conveyed to them no suggestion of the continental char- 
acter of America or of the tremendous expanse of water 
which separated America from India and Cathay. These 
truths were first demonstrated by Fernam Magalhaes, who 

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1519] MAGELLAN 51 

exchanged his Portuguese sovereign for a Spanish one and 
his Portuguese name for the Spanish form of Fernan, or 
Fernando, Magallanes. He is known to English speakers 
as Magellan. 1 

It cannot be definitely stated that Magellan had any 
authentic information of the existence of a waterway 
through South America. There are the usual shadowy 
accounts of previous voyages to or through such a strait. 
Pigafetta, who was with Magellan, quotes that commander 
as saying that he had seen a map on which Martin Behaim 
had depicted such a passage. 9 Moreover there are hints of 
earlier voyages to Antarctic lands. Whatever these may 
amount to, it is reasonably certain that Magellan was the 
first commander to lead an expedition with the conscious 
design of penetrating through the American continent in 
southern latitudes, and thence reaching the islands off the 
southeastern shores of Asia. 

In his earlier days and in the Portuguese service Magel- 
lan had visited the Spice Islands, and had made up his 
mind that some at least of them lay within the Spanish 
sphere of influence. Writers on this period have oftentimes 
ridiculed the line of demarcation which Pope Alexander 
authorized to be drawn. Possibly this has resulted from 
a misconception of what the Pope really tried to do. In 
those days European monarchs, all of whom still owed 
allegiance to the ecclesiastical organization of which the 
Pope was the head, acknowledged that he had some 
peculiar authority with regard to the distribution of land. 
When Columbus returned from his first voyage, therefore, 

* 8ee Note IV. Magellan Strait. Except for the state- 

* After 1494 until his death in 1507 ment of Pigafetta, noted above, there is 

Behaim lived for the most part at Lisbon no evidence to show that Behaim had ex- 

or Fayal ; there is nothing impossible in ceptional knowledge of the geography of 

the suggestions which have been made of this region. See Harrisse's Discovery of 

a southern voyage by him to or through America, 438. 

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the Pope authorized Ferdinand and Isabella to send out 
expeditions to lands " situate westwards towards the 
ocean," and afterwards, owing perhaps to the insistence of 
the king of Portugal, laid down a definite line to mark the 
regions beyond which the Spaniards might make voyages 
of discovery. It does not seem likely that he had any 
thought of cutting the earth in halves and assigning one 
half to Spain. What he wanted to do was to prevent 
fighting. If the earth should turn out to be round and 
conflicting claims should be set up on the other side, suc- 
ceeding pontiffs could determine in each case as it arose 
which party had the better right. As a matter of fact the 
line was never drawn and the whole question became of 
little importance, as Spain absorbed Portugal in the time 
of Philip II. Magellan seems to have been the first man to 
extend this line around the world and to have argued that 
lands in the Antipodes belonged to the Spanish sphere of 
influence. 1 

Born in Portugal and bred to the maritime service, 
Magellan denaturalized himself and entered the service of 
Charles I of Spain, who figures more prominently in his- 
tory as Charles V, Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire. 
At the moment, Spain was overflowing with Portuguese 
seamen, who were then playing the part which a few 
decades earlier had been taken by Italian navigators. 
No one has ever found it necessary to assail Columbus as 
a traitor to Genoa, nor in all the vituperation of Americus 
Vespucius has treason ever been attributed to him. Ma- 

1 8ee Henry Harrisse's Diplomatic matter with care, and he has reviewed 

History of America, its first Chapter. Harrisse's book in the American Histori- 

Professor Bourne, in his Essays in His- cat Review, iii, 709. The bulls, treaty of 

torical Criticism and In the " Historical Tordesillas, etc., are in the first volume 

Introduction" to Blair and Robertson's of Blair and Robertson's work and in 

Philippine Islands, has gone into the Thacher's Columbus, ii, pt. vi. 

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gellan, on the other hand, has been dubbed a traitor and 
reproached in the harshest language. 

The story of Magellan's search for a patron and a 
fleet is as unlike that of Columbus as it could well be. 
Fonseca, Bishop of Burgos and the Admiral's old enemy, 
espoused the cause of the new adventurer, and Charles I 
himself took a personal interest in the preparations for 
the great voyage. Magellan sailed from Spain in the 
autumn of 1519. His five ships were old and rotten, 
and his crews were of many nationalities and varying 
degrees of rascality; but such seems to have been the 
general equipment of fifteenth-century explorers. Magel- 
lan was small in stature, and insignificant in appearance. 
Besides, he was a Portuguese by birth, while his chief 
officers were Spaniards. Before the fleet had been many 
months away from Spain, it was found necessary to put 
the men on short rations. In addition there was a feeling 
among both officers and men that Magellan was taking 
them to destruction. One result of all this was a mutiny 
at Port St. Julian, which Magellan put down with cold- 
blooded cunning and cruelty that made an end to open 
opposition. But the crew of one of his vessels later seized 
the opportunity of the absence of the flagship to return to 
Spain, — and they were led in their mutiny by Estevan 
Gomez, like Magellan, a native of Portugal. October 81, 
1520, one year and one month from Spain, Magellan came 
to the Cape of the Eleven Thousand Virgins, which guarded 
the opening of the salt-water passage that still bears his 

Proceeding cautiously westward, the strait suddenly 
widened out into a boundless, stormless sea, — the Mar 
Pacifico. Magellan steered first northward and then north- 
westward, boldly away from land. Day after day, week 

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after week, month after month, ever the same monotonous 
progress and hunger. The food supply ran lower and 
lower. Soon the rats which infested the ships became a 
luxury fit only for the table of the rich, as they fetched 
half a ducat apiece. The poorer sort contented themselves 
with the leather which kept the spars from chafing against 
the masts. This they soaked in the waters of the ocean by 
towing it over the side, and then roasted it over the embers 
of a fire. Pigafetta wrote that they ate biscuit, but in 
truth it was biscuit no longer, but a powder full of worms, 
for the worms had devoured its whole substance. Had 
it not been for the lucky chance which led the ships to 
the island of Guam the explorers would scarcely have 
reached the Philippines. In April, 1521, Magellan lost his 
life in an encounter with the natives. Two of the three 
remaining ships never left the Pacific; in the third — the 
Vittoria or Victoria^ as English writers translate the name 
— Sebastian del Cano, one of the mutineers of Port St. 
Julian, found his way through the Spice Islands, across the 
Indian Ocean, around the Cape of Good Hope, and so back 
to Spain. The earth had been circumnavigated, its globu- 
larity put to the test, and the theories of the ancient phi- 
losophers justified. America stood apart — between it and 
the Old World were two great oceans. For centuries its 
life was to develop on lines of its own, influenced indeed 
by the older civilizations but dominated by its aloofness 
and by its own peculiar industrial conditions. 

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L The Cabot*. — Harrisse in the appendix to his Jean et S&astien 
Cabot ("Recueil de Voyages et de Documents") prints nearly all 
the important evidence regarding the Cabot voyages; in his John 
Cabot the Discoverer of North America he gives a " Syllabus of the 
original contemporary documents"; in the second chapter of his 
Dicouverte et Evolution Cartographique de Terre-Neuve he summarizes 
the facts. Winship's Cabot Bibliography is a most satisfactory book 
because he prints abstracts or essential extracts from the docu- 
ments, gives an admirable summary of the whole subject, and tells 
where one may go for unlimited matter. Of less scope, but of almost 
equal value, is Charles Deane's chapter on the Cabots in Winsor's 
America, iii. Markham prints the documents relating to the 1497 
voyage in his Journal of Columbus (Hakluyt Society). Winsor sum- 
marized the "Cabot Controversies " in the Proceedings of the Mas- 
sachusetts Historical Society for 1896. S. E. Dawson's The Voyages 
of the Cabots and other papers, C. K. Beazeley's John and Sebastian 
Cabot, and G. E. Weare's Cabot's Discovery of North America weave 
most of the evidence into their narratives. These are reviewed 
at length by Winship in the American Historical Review, iv, 669. 
H. P. Biggar {Revue Hispanique, vol. x) has shed some light on a 
few obscure details. 

Charles Deane secured thirteen photographs of the Cabot Map in 
the size of the original. One of these was given to the custodians 
of the map; the others were distributed among the leading libraries 
and collectors of Americana. Smaller representations of it abound : 
that in Brymner's Dominion Archives (for 1897) is large enough for 
most purposes. Harrisse (Jean et Sebastian Cabot) reproduces the 
colors of the original. 

The legends for a long time puzzled scholars. That relating to 
America is at the lower left-hand corner of the map. Until the map 
was photographed it had to be studied on one's knees by the light 
of a candle. The legends are now accessible and have been often 
printed in the original and in translation, the first time in the Pro- 
ceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society (1891, 312-339), 
whence they are copied in the Dominion Archives, as above. 

II. Americas Vespudus. — Sir Clements B. Markham in his Letters 
of Amerigo Vespucci (Hakluyt Society, 1894) prints translations of 

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the Vespucian letters and the condemnatory passages from Las Casas's 
Eistoria. More satisfactory texts are to be found in Quaritch's The 
First Four Voyages of AmerigoVespucci, which contains the Florentine 
text of 1505-6 in facsimile besides translations. F. A. de Varahagen, 
in his Amerigo Vespucci, son caraettore, ses icrits (mime les moins au- 
thentiques), sa vie, et ses navigations, Lima, 1865 (for a list of Varn- 
hagen's writings, see Winsor's America, ii, 156, note), argues strongly 
for Vespucius ; his views are set forth in English by Fiske (Discovery 
of America, i) and J. B. Thacher in his Continent of America, its dis- 
covery and its baptism. The other side of the matter is elucidated 
by Santarem (Recherches sur Americ Vespuce, Paris, 1842) whose 
work has been translated by E. V. Childe as Researches respecting 
Americus Vespucius, and his Voyages. Henry Harrisse in a volume 
entitled Americus Vespucius : a Critical and Documentary Review of 
Two recent English Books, — of which the first is Markham's edition 
of the Vespucian letters, — adopts a judicial tone which is in wide 
contrast with that of the other writers on the subject. H. H. Ban- 
croft (Central America, i, 99-107) and Winsor (America, ii, 153 and 
fol.) summarize the evidence. There is an extended bibliography 
appended to the latest edition of Bandini's Vita di Amerigo Ves- 
pucci (Florence, 1898). 

III. La Cosa and Cantino Maps. — A facsimile in colors of the La 
Cosa Map was made by Canovas Vallejo and Traynor (Madrid, 1892). 
VascaWs Ensayo Biogrdfico del Juan de la Cosa (printed in Spanish, 
French, and English) was compiled to accompany and explain this 
facsimile. Thirty years previously Jomard had printed a facsimile 
in his Monuments de la Geographic Facsimiles and sketches in 
black and white, often accompanied by explanatory text, are in 
many places: Harrisse's DScouverte et Evolution Cartographique de 
Terre-Neuve, 18-25 ; Harrisse's Discovery of America; Ghillany's 
Behaim; Humboldt's Examen Critique; Stevens's Historical and Geo- 
graphical Notes, etc. Winsor's America (iii, 8) contains a small fac- 
simile of the American portion with valuable notes. 

The American part of the Cantino Map is reproduced in colors 
and size of the original in Harrisse's Les Corte-Real et leurs Voyages 
au Nouveau Monde. The whole map is given by Stevenson in his 
Maps illustrating early discovery and exploration in America, 1502- 
1680, reproduced by photography from the original manuscripts, No. 1. 
Harrisse, in his Discovery and his Terre-Neuve (chs. vi, vii), dis- 
cusses the various points of interest 

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This is a good place to call attention to the great value of Parts 
iii, iv, and v of Harrisse's Discovery. These are entitled respec- 
tively " Cartographia America Vetustissima " (366-648), "Chro- 
nology of Maritime Voyages Westward, Projected, Attempted, or 
Accomplished" (661-700), "Biographical Notes concerning Portu- 
guese and Spanish Pilot-Majors, Pilots, and Cartographers of the 
First Half of the Sixteenth Century" (704-746). If Mr. Harrisse 
had never done anything else for students of early American history, 
his name would be always kept in grateful remembrance by them. 

IV. The Naming of America. — Winsor, in his America and his Co- 
lumbus, has treated this subject at considerable length with abundant 
references. J. B. Thacher (Continent of America) provides nearly 
all that can be asked for in the way of facsimiles both of maps and 
of texts. Major, in his Prince Henry the Navigator , and his Discov- 
eries of Prince Henry, traces the story somewhat fully but with a 
good deal of the conjectural. More or less space is given to this 
topic in every book on the period of discovery and in the many 
works on Columbus. 

V. Magellan. — Pigafetta's narrative of the voyage and other 
papers relating thereto are printed in translation in the Hakluyt 
Society volume, which is inexactly entitled First Voyage Round the 
World by Magellan (London, 1874) ; the documents are preceded by 
a pompous and out-of-date introduction. Las Casas, 1 Oviedo, 2 and 
Herrera 3 used material which is not now accessible j but the works 
of the first two have not yet been translated into English. The best 
biography 4 of Magellan is that by F. B. G. Guillemard 5 (London, 

The most interesting controversy which has arisen over Magellan 
is as to a previous discovery of the strait which bears his name and 
Magellan's knowledge thereof. The materials upon which a decision 
must be based — if one is given — are of the poorest. Such arguments 

* Las Casas's Historic de las India*, sketch of Magellan in his Optfscidos, 

y, ch. cliv (also in Documentor Lieditos vol. i. 
para la Historia de Espafia, lxv). * Schoner's Globe of 1523, on which 

2 G. P. de Oviedo y ValdeVs Historia Magellan's track is traced, is in Henry 

General y Natural de las Indias (Madrid, Stevens's Johann Schdner; in Wieser's 

1651), vol. ii, 7 and fol. article in the SUzungsbericht of the 

8 Antonio de Herrera's Historia Gen- Vienna Academy ; and on a very reduced 

eral de las Indias Occidentals*, decada scale in GuiUemard's Magellan, The 

ii, libro ix, chs. x-xv; decada iii, libro latter volume also contains other inter- 

i, chs. iv, ix-xi. eating cartographical matter relating to 

'Navarrete printed a biographical the voyage. 

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as can be made are set forth by Harrisse (Discovery, 484, etc.) and 
by Dr. F. Wieser (Magalhdes-Strasse und AustralrConiinent auf den 
globen des Johannes Schdner), and see also a paper entitled "Der 
verschollene Globus des Johannes Schftner yon 1523 " in Sitzungsbe- 
richte der Philosophisch-Historischen Classe der Kaiserlichen Akademie 
der Wissenschaften, Wien, 1889 (vol. cxvii). E. S. Balch, in his 
Antarctica (Philadelphia, 1902), necessarily has something to say on 
the matter. 

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The eastern coast of the mainland of what is now the 
United States had probably been seen and traced before 
1502, but the first voyage to that region of which we have 
specific information was made by Juan Ponce de Leon 
in 1513. This intrepid warrior first came to the Indies 
with Columbus in 1493. Twenty years he passed in San 
Domingo and Porto Rico, kidnapping or killing Indians 
and gathering gold and silver. Indian tradition, assisted 
perchance by a desire to induce the Spaniards to seek other 
lands, pointed to the existence of a wonderful country to 
the north. Its name was Bimini. Gold abounded there, 
and a fountain restored to the drinker of its waters youth, 
more to be desired than gold and precious stones. 

On Easter Sunday, 1513, Ponce de Leon 1 sighted land 
to the west, and running northward anchored off the 
site of the later town of St. Augustine. In honor of 
the day he called the new land Florida. Sailing south- 
wardly along the coast, he doubled the end of the penin- 
sula, voyaged up its western side for some distance, and 
returned to Porto Rico. Wherever he landed he found 

1 Modern knowledge of Ponce de Le- in English is by J. G. Shea in the same 
on's voyages to Florida rests on the volume, 232-236. On the date of the voy- 
papers printed in the Documenios Inidi- age, see ibid., 284, note 1. William Rob- 
to* and Herrera's Historic General (they erts's Account of the First Discovery 
are enumerated in Winsor's America, ii, . . . of Florida (London, 1763) contains 
283, 284). The only satisfactory account interesting maps and plans. 

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the natives hostile, — a fact which points irresistibly to 
the presence of earlier European explorers in that region. 
At the time Florida was supposed to be an island. When 
it was definitely shown that it was part of a continent, 
the name was extended northward and westward. For 
centuries it served to designate the Spanish possessions 
and the lands claimed by Spain north of the Gulf of 
Mexico and east of the Great Plains. 

Three years later, in 1516, Diego Miruelo made a trading 
voyage along the Florida shore and Hernandez de Cordova 
in 1517 visited the coasts of Yucatan and Florida. In the 
next few years Diego Velasquez de Cuellar, Governor of 
Cuba, and Francisco de Garay, Governor of Jamaica, dis- 
patched formidable expeditions to the northern and west- 
ern shores of the Gulf of Mexico. The leader of one of 
these, Hernan Cortez, threw off obedience to his chief and 
conquered Mexico for himself. 1 Another, Alonzo Alvarez 
de Pineda, sailing along the northern edge of the Gulf of 
Mexico (1519), discovered a river of great size, which he 
called the Rio del Espiritu Santo.? Students usually have 
regarded it as the Mississippi, but recently attempts have 
been made to identify it with Mobile Bay. 

In 1521 Ponce de Leon again sought the Florida coast. 
This time he had settlement in view and took with him 
colonists, cattle, sheep, and horses. He landed at some 
undefined spot; but the natives fell upon the settlers, killed 
and wounded many of them, including their commander, 
and drove them away. Ponce de Leon lived only a few 
weeks after reaching Havana — the second leader to whom 

1 The student of United States his- of which there are several translations— 

tory will gain a sufficient knowledge of that by Lockhart best preserving the 

the conquest of Mexico from Prescott's rugged strength of the original, 
brilliant work or, better, from Bernal * See Note I. 

Diaz del Castillo's Htitoria Verdadera, 

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Florida had proved fatal, for Cordova also had perished 
from wounds inflicted by the natives of that coast. 1 

Among the higher Spanish officials in the Indies was 
Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon. 9 Bitten with the desire to 
explore and conquer for himself, he sent Francisco Gordillo 
to examine the eastern Florida coast (1521). Accompanied 
by one of the Indian kidnapping expeditions, Gordillo 
reached the shore of the mainland in the neighborhood 
of Cape Fear (33° 30' north latitude). Near at hand was 
a large river, which the explorers piously named St. John 
the Baptist, and then set to work capturing Indians. 
With ill-gotten cargoes they returned to San Domingo. 
Ayllon, to his honor, refused to profit by the evil deeds of 
his lieutenant, and ordered the Indians returned to their 
native shores, but whether they ever reached them is 

In 1526 Ayllon himself sailed with six hundred colonists 
to the northern main; among these were women, negro 
slaves, and one hundred horses. A settlement named San 
Miguel was made to the north of Cape Hatteras or Cape 
Trafalgar, as they called it. Eighty-three years later a 
Spanish navigator, who was familiar with the early charts, 
identified the San Miguel of Ayllon with the English 
Jamestown. It may have been the identical spot, for the 
stories of the two settlements are much alike : miasmatic 
fevers, sudden nipping cold, savage Indian attacks, and 
domestic strife were common to both. The Spaniards had 
the further disadvantage of having to combat an insurrec- 
tion of the blacks, as well as mutiny among the whites 
and attacks by the natives. Within a few months Ayllon 

* The authorities for this voyage are mentos Intdilos (xxxiv and xxxv). See 

enumerated in Winsor's America, ii, 214, also Oviedo's Historia General (libro 

284. xxxvii, ed. of 1851, vol. iii, 624-632). 

a The sources are printed in Docu- 

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was dead of fever and the expedition was a failure. Even- 
tually some one hundred and fifty of his companions found 
their way back to San Domingo ; the others lie in unnamed 
graves in our soil, or perished on the homeward voyage. 

Meantime, in 1524 or 1525, Estevan Gomez, 1 that Portu- 
guese traitor whose desertion of Magellan has already been 
alluded to, took it upon himself to discover a northern 
passage to India through the American barrier. It is cer- 
tain that he made a northern voyage and found no strait ; 
but there is nothing else about the voyage that can be 
stated with confidence. On what is known as the Ribero 
Map, Gomez is credited with having explored a considerable 
extent of seacoast, stretching from Delaware at least as 
far north as Nova Scotia. The voyage is best known, 
however, from the story of the " clavos " and " esclavos " 
first told by Peter Martyr : Gomez had sailed to India for 
a cargo of spices (clavos) ; he returned with a lot of slaves 
(esclavos). Some busybody, misled by his Portuguese 
accent, rushed off to court with the great " news " of the 
discovery of the northern strait. When the truth and 
the slaves appeared, a laugh was raised which has not yet 

While Ayllon and his colonists were fighting pestilence, 
cold, and human depravity on the banks of the James 
River, Panfilo de Narvaez was busily engaged in organizing 
a great expedition to conquer and colonize the northern 
borders of the Gulf of Mexico. On learning of the rebellion 
of Cortez, Velasquez had sent Narvaez to Mexico to compel 
obedience, with the result that the unfortunate Panfilo had 

1 The evidence for this voyage is a razzano. Bat this work mast be read 

passage in Herrera (HUtoria General, ii, with caution as Mr. Murphy believed that 

241) and the inscription on the Ribero Map. the " Verrazano Letter " was an adapta- 

See Winsor's America, iv, 29. The fullest tion of information derived from Gomez, 
account in English is in Murphy's Ver- 

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passed two years in a Mexican prison, while his men had 
formed a most welcome addition to Cortez' victorious 
army. Now, well supplied with soldiers, horses, mechanics, 
laborers, and priests, Narvaez set forth to conquer for him- 
self a virgin land to which Hernan Cortez could advance 
no claim. In June, 1527, with five vessels and six hundred 
souls, he sailed from Spain for Florida. 

In those days the people of Europe were united in hold- 
ing that the whole earth belonged to the followers of 
Christ; no non-Christians had any rights to the soil or 
to their own bodies. As between themselves, Christian 
nations and kings furthermore held that the Pope could 
partition the non-Christian portion of the earth among the 
colonizing nations. A part of the earth he had assigned 
to the Spanish king and that monarch had parceled it 
out among his followers. The Spaniards were great stic- 
klers for the appearance of legality; to make sure that 
everything was properly done, a document called a "Reque- 
rimiento " was drawn up and supplied to would-be conquer- 
ors. A translation of the Requerimiento issued to Narvaez 
is printed in Buckingham Smith's Cdbega de Vaca* and will 
repay a moment's examination. It recites that in behalf 
of Charles V and of Dona Juana, his mother, Narvaez is to 
make known to the natives that God had created Adam 
and Eve and through them the nations of the earth. All 
these God had placed in charge of one person, Saint Peter, 
who was commanded to place his seat in Rome. One of 
the successors of Saint Peter had given the American lands 
to the Spanish sovereigns. In this way Charles and Juana 
are the rulers of the natives of those countries. Turning to 
such of these as were in attendance, the reciter of this docu- 

1 Appendix in, 215. It is also in French's Historical Collections of Louisiana and 
Florida, ii, 153. 

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ment should say that these rulers command you to recognize 
the Church as mistress of the universe and to listen to what 
the religious men shall preach to you. "If you do this, 
you shall retain your women, children, and estates and 
shall not be required to become Christians except, when 
informed of the truth, you desire to be converted. If, 
however, you do not do this, I will subject you to obedience 
to the Church and their Majesties. And I will take the 
persons of yourselves, your wives, and your children to 
make slaves of, and your goods, doing you all the evil and 
injury that I may be able. . . . And I declare to you that 
the deaths and damages that arise therefrom will be your 
fault and not that of his Majesty, nor mine, nor these 
cavaliers who accompany me." The Spanish conquest of 
America had in it certain of the elements of the crusades, 
the Spaniards sincerely desiring to convert the natives to 
Christianity. Such of them as became converted were 
treated with a consideration which was somewhat foreign 
to the Indian policy of later settlers of the United States. 
Almost from the beginning Narvaez 1 was unfortunate: 
at San Domingo one hundred and forty men deserted 
him, and in the harbor of Trinidad, Cuba, two vessels 
with sixty men and twenty horses went to the bottom 
during a fearful hurricane. At length, in the spring of 
1528, Narvaez, driving before a southerly storm, made a 
harbor on the northern side of the Gulf of Mexico. Think- 
ing that he was not far from the Rio Grande, the southern 
boundary of the present state of Texas, he landed a part 
of his men and set out to seek that river. In reality his 
port of debarkation was at the northeastern corner of the 
Gulf of Mexico on the coast of the modern Florida. One 
vessel was sent to Havana for recruits and supplies; the 

i On the Narvaez expedition and the adventures of Cabeza de Vaca, see Note II. 

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152&-36] CABEZA DE VACA 65 

other vessels he directed to sail along the shore, while 
the army marched on the land. This was the last that 
was seen of Narvaez. Years after four of his companions 
reached the Spanish settlements on the Pacific shore of 
Mexico. Their story was most interesting. From their 
account it appears that Narvaez, once on shore, had altered 
his plan. Allured by Indian stories of the wealth of the 
neighboring province of Apalache, he had set out to con- 
quer an empire, with two pounds of biscuit and one half 
pound of bacon for each of his three hundred Spaniards. 
Through swamps and tangled forests the adventurers 
pressed on until they came to Apalache, which they con- 
quered without trouble, as the fighting men of the place 
chanced to be away. Here they found some food, but 
no gold. For nearly a month the Spaniards remained 
in the village, fighting for their lives, for the warriors 
returned and attacked them again and again. 

At length the Spaniards abandoned Apalache and sought 
to regain the seacoast and their fleet. Nine days of march- 
ing and fighting brought them to a place called Aute. 
Thence Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, treasurer of the 
expedition, with horse and foot, went on in advance, and 
after one day's march reached salt water in the vicinity 
of Pensacola Bay, where the main body soon joined him. 
The Spaniards called the place Bahia de Caballos, 1 because 
there they killed and ate their horses while they were 
building five boats or brigantines. Iron was lacking, 
but they beat their stirrups and spurs into spikes. The 
seams of their crazy craft they caulked with palmetto 
fibers and resin. The rigging was made from their 
horses' manes and tails, and their horses' hides, with por- 

* T. H. Lewis (American Antiquarian, xxii, 367) identifies Bahia de Caballos 
with the modern Bay Ockloekonee. 

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tions of their own clothing, served for sails. The skins 
of the horses' legs they tanned as well as they could, and 
used as water vessels until they rotted. With provisions, 
water, and men on board, the boats swam scarcely a hand's 
breadth above the tide. On one of the last days of Sep- 
tember, 1528, they set sail from the Bahia de Caballos, and 
steered westwardly for the Rio Grande. Soon their food 
began to give out, and such water as remained grew putrid. 
At one point they passed the mouth of a great river, whose 
strong current poured far out into the sea; it was the 
Mississippi. And so in their sinking boats, starving and 
thirsting, they kept on toward the west. 

Eight years later one of their number saw on the neck 
of an Indian the buckle of a sword belt, and stitched to 
it the nail of a horseshoe. When asked what these things 
were, the Indian said that they had come from heaven ; 
that certain men with beards had come from heaven, had 
lanced two Indians, and had left these objects behind. 1 
This was on the western Mexican seaboard. Not long 
afterwards the Spanish slave catchers themselves appeared 
and were amazed at the naked white man who spoke 
Spanish. He was Cabeza de Vaca. With three com- 
panions, two of them white, the third a negro from Aza- 
mor, he formed the sole remnant of Narvaez's band. The 
tale these men had to tell was a strange and curious one. 
For years they had wandered over the country between 
the Mississippi and the Gulf of California, from the land 
of the cactus on the south to the ranges of the buffalo on 
the north. At first they were cruelly treated, beaten, and 
starved by the natives. Finally they became great " medi- 
cine men," followed and obeyed by hundreds and even by 
thousands. They told of hunchback cows, and rumors of 

* Smith's Cabeza de Vaca, 173, 236. 

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populous towns, with very large houses. These last were 
far away to the north and near lofty mountains, whence 
came emeralds and other precious stones, 1 as the Indians 
had told them. The whole story of their hardships and 
triumphs, as it was written out by Cabeza de Vaca, re- 
mains to this day one of the most thrilling of the Spanish 

Hernando de Soto 8 is the most dramatic figure in the 
story of Florida. He had served his apprenticeship with 
the conquerors of Peru, and among that murdering, money- 
getting gang none was more respectable than he, and for 
that reason, possibly, the companionship of Francisco 
Pizarro and Diego Almagro was offensive. Instead of 
remaining in Peru and fighting for his fair share of the 
riches of the Incas, De Soto returned to Spain with a 
paltry hundred thousand ducats, and looked about for 
new adventures. Of the available fields for exploit, none 
offered greater attractions than Florida. De Soto easily 
obtained the necessary license to conquer and colonize that 
land. At this moment Cabeza de Vaca reached Spain, too 
late to secure the grant for himself, but in ample time 
to arouse curiosity by what he said and by what he fore- 
bore to say. Six hundred men were easily gathered, — 
the most distinguished company of would-be Indian killers 
and robbers that had come together on Spanish soil since 
1493. Nor were the comforts of life forgotten. De Soto 
had with him "a steward, a gentleman usher, pages, a 
gentleman of the horse, a chamberlain, lackeys, and all other 
officers that the house of a nobleman requireth." 

In May, 1589, one year after its departure from Spain, 
the expedition landed on the shores of Tampa Bay or the 

1 In his account Cabeza is careful to formation. Smith's Cabeza de Vaca, 167. 
state that the Indians gave him this in- * See Note HI. 

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neighboring Charlotte Harbor. 1 Once on shore the fight- 
ing and marching began. It proved to be wearisome work, 
because the country was cumbered with woods and bogs, 
where the horses often stuck fast and fell with their riders. 
Soon the adventurers came upon a white man who was 
naked as an Indian and had almost forgotten his Spanish 
speech, but he managed to cry out " Sevilla " and make 
the sign of the cross in time to prevent their killing him. 
He was Juan Ortiz, who had originally come to Florida 
with the unlucky Narvaez, but had returned to Cuba with 
the fleet. Again seeking Florida, on one of the Narvaez 
search expeditions, he had fallen into the hands of the 
Indians, and for twelve years had lived amongst them as 
a slave. He proved to be a most useful interpreter to De 
Soto. Exploring, killing, and kidnaping now began in 
earnest and continued with scanty interruption until Sep- 
tember, 1543, when the survivors of the expedition reached 
a Spanish settlement in Mexico. 

In the beginning the natives bore the duplicity and bru- 
tality of the Spaniards with comparative complacency. 
But at the town of the " Evil Peace " the Indian slaves set 
upon their masters with great suddenness and vigor. Their 
leader knocked De Soto senseless and injured his teeth so 
effectively that he had to eat hash for twenty days, — so 
Garcilaso de la Vega, the least reliable of the chroniclers, 
relates. When order was restored De Soto gave some of 
the youngest of the vanquished rebels to those who had 
good chains; the others were tied to stakes and shot. 
From this time on the slaves were led in chains with iron 
collars on their necks. These equipments had been brought 
from Spain. Sometimes, ironed as they were, the slaves 
killed their guards and made for the forest, chains and all : 

* This is T. H. Lewis's identification (American Antiquarian, xxii, 366). 

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u Those that were perceived paid for themselves, and for 
the rest!" Even those who smashed their chains with 
stones did not always escape, for De Soto had dogs with 
him that were early " fleshed " * on the Indians and were 
keen for their capture. 

Onward the Spaniards marched at least as far as the 
Savannah River. They then turned westward and south- 
ward to the fortified Indian town of Mauvila on or near 
the bank of the Alabama River. In the early morning 
De Soto, with the advanced guard and the baggage, entered 
the village to secure porters. Suddenly an Indian chief 
whom they had with them as a sort of hostage slipped 
away. It soon became evident that thousands of armed 
men were concealed in the town. The Spaniards who 
were in the village sought immediate safety in flight, 
their leader falling twice or thrice before he gained a place 
of refuge. 

Collecting his entire force, most of which had remained 
outside of the town, De Soto attacked in his turn. The 
Spaniards crushed in the gates, set fire to the houses, killed 
thousands of Indians, and destroyed their own baggage, 
which had been abandoned in the village by the carriers 
on the first sign of danger. On the Spanish side a score 
or two were killed and many were wounded. 2 Another 
fire and another battle at Chicaca completed the de- 
struction of their military equipment and clothing. In 
the latter disaster they also lost fifty horses and four 
hundred hogs. The survivors set to work to make new 
swords and lances, and they even reclothed themselves 

1 This word is from the Gentleman of These figures show how the story grew 

Elva*. by lapse of time and also how little reli- 

s The number of Indians slain is given ance can be placed on the last named 

by the Gentleman of Elvas at 2500, by author's Historia del Adelantado, Her- 

Garcllaso de la Vega at nearly 11,000. nando de Soto. 

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with skins. When they reached the banks of the Father 
of Waters, De Soto and his men must have looked like a 
band of Robinson Crusoes. 

In April, 1541, De Soto came to a great river which he 
named the Rio Grande, but which we know by its Indian 
name, Mississippi. At that point it was so wide that if a 
man stood still on the further bank, he could not be dis- 
tinguished from a tree stump. The river was of great 
depth, and its rapidly flowing muddy waters bore trees 
and masses of timber. Crossing to the western bank, the 
Spaniards marched northwestward into Arkansas and then 
southward again. But go where they would, there was 
always the same unyielding country — no gold, no silver. 
Copper, indeed, was found in small quantities. Cloth 
made from the bark of trees, robes from the hides of 
buffaloes, and corn completed the list of commodities ; but 
what were these to the seeker of gold ? 

The winter of 1541-42 seems to have been unusually 
severe, and the Spaniards, encamped thirty miles from the 
site of the present Fort Smith, suffered greatly from cold. 
At one time, indeed, the snow inclosed them so that they 
could not travel. Had not the horsemen, with their steeds, 
tramped out a path to the nearest forest and procured fuel, 
they all would have frozen to death. In the early spring 
of 1542 the wanderers again reached the Mississippi. De 
Soto, worn out with fever and disappointed hopes, took 
to his bed. Before he died he sent a force to the town of 
Nilco 1 with orders to spare no male Indian, for the chief of 
that place had treated him rather cavalierly. Nufio de 
Tovar led the soldiers ; he attacked so suddenly that not 

1 Professor Lewis thinks that Nilco carries the wanderers to about latitude 
was not far from the site of the present 33° and longitude 101°. See Mississippi 
Arkansas Post; in the next year he Historical Society's Publications, vi, 449. 

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1542] DEATH OF DE SOTO 71 

an arrow was shot at the Christians. A hundred Indians, 
more or less, were slain outright ; many more were wounded 
with great wounds and suffered to escape, that the sight of 
them might strike terror into the rest. Some of the Span- 
iards, brutal and butcherlike, killed all they met, old and 
young alike, though they made no resistance. 

With this slaughter soothing his dying hours, Hernando 
de Soto passed away. Furtively they buried him in a 
wet ditch, trampling the freshly turned earth under their 
horses' hoofs. When the Indians inquired for him they 
said that De Soto had gone to heaven for a few days 
and would shortly return. All was to no purpose, how- 
ever, for the Indians, on passing the grave, pointed to it 
In secret, therefore, the Spaniards dug up the body, 
heaped sand into the mantle which served as a winding 
sheet, carried the corpse to the middle of the river, and 
lowered it into the muddy waters — all with the greatest 
secrecy. They then held an auction of the defunct Ade- 
lantado's effects : two men slaves, two women slaves, three 
horses, and seven hundred hogs. 

Luis de Moscoso was now joyfully acclaimed as leader, 
for he declared that he wished to see himself in a place 
where he might sleep his full sleep rather than govern a 
country like Florida. At first the daunted adventurers 
tried to march overland to Mexico, or New Spain, as it was 
then called. They went as far as the plains of western 
Texas or of Oklahoma, when Indian settlements became 
scanty and little food was found. Back they turned and 
regained the Mississippi. 

In the winter of 1642-48 they built seven brigantines and 
rowed, drifted, or sailed down the great river for seven- 
teen days. At first the Indians attacked them again and 
again. But the Spaniards soon left the thickly settled 

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regions behind them and enjoyed their first peaceful days 
and nights since they had landed in Florida four years 
before. Leaving the mouth of the Mississippi, they steered 
westward and southward, and, fifty-two days later (Sep- 
tember, 1543), entered the Panuco River. Sailing up 
that stream, in four days more they reached the Spanish 
settlement of Panuco. Presently they went to church 
and gave thanks to God for their miraculous escape ; of 
the original six hundred, three hundred and eleven were 
still alive. When one considers all the circumstances of 
their journey — the dangers from malarial fevers, hostile 
Indians, and wild beasts, and the perils of land and sea — 
surely one must award to these men, cruel and merciless 
though they were, a meed of praise for their constancy, 
courage, and devotion. 

Cabeza de Vaca brought to the world of civilized men 
the first actual information of the hunchback cows and 
the first reliable reports of the cities of stone to the north 
of New Spain, as Mexico was then called. Before his 
time the Spaniards had heard rumors of the existence 
of these cities from the Indians, and had built these stories 
into the fabric of European folklore. One of the most 
interesting of the European tales was of the flight of Seven 
Bishops to Antilia, where they either found or built a city 
each for himself. 1 These Seven Cities slowly moved west- 
ward and northward until at length they became mixed 
with the Seven Caves, whence the ancestors of the 
Mexican Indians were said to have emerged. Another 
story was that off the northwestern Mexican shore was 
the island of Ciguatan, which was inhabited by Amazons 
who were abundantly supplied with pearls and gold. 

* Bandolier, in his Contributions to older forms of these stories he refers to 
Southwestern HUtory (1-23), has sum- W. H. Tilllnghast's remarkable chapter 
marized available information. For in the first volume of Winsor's America. 

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Nuno Beltran de Guzman, 1 the most brutal and least 
deserving of the higher officers in New Spain, led an expe- 
dition to the discovery of this land, but he found only 
ordinary Indian women and children, for at his approach 
the men had fled to the mountains. He established the 
settlement of San Miguel de Culiacan. In 1580 a slave 
named Tejo told Guzman a story which roused his 
cupidity and urged him on to fresh endeavor. When 
he was a little boy, so Tejo said, his father had gone 
to the back country, and returning had brought great 
store of gold and silver; once or twice Tejo had gone 
with his father and had visited seven large cities which 
had streets of silver workers. Probably this was not the 
actual story that Tejo told to Guzman, but it was in this 
form that it spread through New Spain. A few years 
passed by and Cabeza de Vaca returned to civilization 
with an independent account of the stone-built cities. 

The ruler of New Spain in 1536 was Don Antonio de 
Mendoza. Patient, prudent, and sagacious, he well merited 
the name of the " Good Viceroy." He was a man of skill 
in affairs. He realized that Cabeza de Vaca had not seen 
the Seven Cities, but had only heard of them through the 
Indian reports. The persistence of these Indian stories, 
however, made him think that there must be something of 
reality behind them. But the pursuit of the Amazons, of 
El Dorado, and of the Seven Cities, hitherto, had been 
so full of disappointment that he decided to have the 
ground carefully examined before making preparations for 
a large and expensive expedition. For this mission he 
selected Franciscan monks, the Gray Friars, as they are 
often called. Faithful and patient, their services were 

1 See Oviedo's Historia General, libro p. 570; H. H. Bancroft's North Mexican 
xxxiv, ch. viii, edition of 1861, vol. iii, States, vol. i,ch. ii. 

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1539] FRAY MARCOS 75 

inexpensive and they would not kidnap Indians. How 
many friars started on the quest is not clear; only one, 
Fray Marcos de Niza, saw the first of the Seven Cities 
and returned to tell the tale. 

Fray Marcos de Niza, 1 the Savoyard, or the Frenchman, 
as he is often called in the early writings, left behind him 
no other name ; but he was a remarkable man. In Peru 
he had been present at the murder of Atahualpa; in 
Central America he had walked barefooted from Guate- 
mala to the City of Mexico ; in New Spain he had labored 
successfully in the conversion of the northern Indians. 
Before his journey to Cibola he was Vice Commissary of 
the Franciscans and soon after his return he became 
Provincial of the Order. 

In the spring of 1539 Fray Marcos left the northernmost 
Spanish settlement on the western coast and entered the 
unknown regions beyond. He had with him a lay brother, 
who did not get very far, Cabeza de Vaca's black companion 
named Estevan, and an unknown number of Indians. 
A month later, grown weary of the negro, he ordered him 
to proceed in advance for fifty or sixty leagues and to report 
the probability of success by sending back wooden crosses. 
If the news which the negro gathered was of moderate 
importance only, he was to send back a cross the size of 
the palm of his hand ; if the news were better, the cross 
might be larger. Four days later an Indian came into camp 
with a cross as tall as a man. With him was another 
Indian, who told the friar of seven large cities with houses 
of stone and lime, some of them four stories in height. The 
portals of the principal houses, he said, were ornamented 
with designs in turquoise. Other crosses greeted Fray 
Marcos as he journeyed onward. Instead of awaiting the 

i See Note IV. 

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coming of his chief at the appointed distance, Estevan 
pushed on to the wonderful city, where he was at once 
murdered. Indian traditions still tell of his coming and 
his going ; of how he related to those in the city that he 
was the messenger of two white men, one of whom was 
skilled in things of the heavens. The Indians at once made 
up their minds that he was a liar, for it was incredible that 
a black man should be the agent of two white men. They 
set him down for a deceiver and also found that he was 
greedy, without morals, and a coward. Seeking to escape, 
they fell upon him and killed him ; if they had got hold of 
the white men and the attendant Indians, they would 
doubtless have massacred them also, — a curious slaughter 
of red, white, and black. At other times the prospect of 
death would not have deterred the Vice Commissary of the 
Mexican Gray Friars from fulfilling his mission to the 
utmost. In this case, however, his demise would have 
utterly defeated the purposes of his coming. He contented 
himself, therefore, with viewing the city from afar; and 
then, with more fright than food, as he himself expressed 
it, he took to his heels. The city that he saw in the clear 
light of a southwestern day had, he said, "a very fine 
appearance for a village, the best that I have seen in 
these parts. The houses, as the Indians had told me, are 
all of stone, built in stories, and with flat roofs. Judging 
by what I could see from the height, where I placed 
myself to observe it, the settlement is larger than the City 
of Mexico." 

On reading the extract which has just been given, care 
should be taken to separate what Fray Marcos states of 
his own knowledge and what he says the Indians told 
him. He stated, for instance, that the city in the distance 
had a very fine appearance for a village and was larger 

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than the City of Mexico. This was undoubtedly true; 
but the City of Mexico to which he referred was the 
Spanish village that had taken the place of the old capi- 
tal of Montezuma, and preceded the modern city of the 
name. The explorer's report referred to gold and precious 
stones, but always as coming from native descriptions. It 
could hardly be expected that the people at the time who 
had no opportunity to read his report would differentiate 
carefully between what he had said of his own knowledge 
and what he narrated at second hand. At all events, they 
did nothing of the sort. In a short time the rumor ran 
throughout Mexico that Fray Marcos had discovered a city 
which was large enough to hold two Sevilles with room to 
spare. Moreover, under oath, one man declared that his 
son-in-law, who was a barber, had heard Fray Marcos say 
that "the cities [beyond the mountains] were surrounded 
by walls, with their gates guarded, and were very rich, 
having silversmiths, and that the women wore strings of 
gold beads and the men girdles of gold and white woolen 
dresses ; and that they had sheep and cows and partridges 
and slaughterhouses and iron forges." Undoubtedly, Fray 
Marcos never said anything of the kind ; but one of the 
saddest convictions that sooner or later comes to the his- 
torical student is the knowledge that men and women 
seldom, if ever, view events as they really are, but color 
them to suit the fancies of the hour. So it fell out that 
Fray Marcos de Niza stood in people's minds for what 
they wished him to have said and not for what he actually 
did say. 1 

l For more than three hundred and vigorously seconded the efforts of the 

thirty years this man's reputation for Conqueror of Mexico to blast the monk's 

veracity was a by-word and reproach good name. In recent years Adolph 

among historians and ethnologists. Cor- Bandelier and Frank H. Cushing have 

tez declared him to be a liar, and the done something to clear his reputation, 

chroniclers of the Coronado expedition But it must be said that even if the good 

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Mendoza at once set to work to fit out an expedition 
for the conquest of the Seven Cities of Cibola, and of what- 
ever else might be worth conquering in that northern 
region. Every one wished to go. It soon became a ques- 
tion whether enough would stay behind to protect the 
villages and ranches of Mexico. As finally organized, the 
expedition numbered some three hundred horsemen and 
seventy foot soldiers, with a varying body of Indian allies, 
estimated at from three hundred to one thousand. The 
white soldiers were splendidly armed and the expedition 
was attended by a thousand horses, an immense herd of 
cattle and mules, and a great flock of sheep. Among the 
implements of war were half a dozen light swivel guns, — 
but there is no record of their use. 

The commander of this band of cavaliers was Francisco 
Vasquez de Coronado, 1 governor of the northwest province 
of New Spain. A month's march from Compostella to 
Culiacan convinced him that the expedition must be 
divided in order to make better progress. Accordingly, 
with a picked band he left Culiacan for the Seven Cities 
early in April, 1640. The bulk of the troops and attend- 
ants would follow at a slower pace. Rough roads, scanty 
food for man and beast, and finally lack of water retarded 
the advance. Horses and Indian carriers dropped down and 
died, and the soldiers and servants were poisoned by eating 
unfamiliar herbs and fruits. But the survivors pressed on 
and came out of the mountainous wilderness on to the plains 
of southern Arizona where they were met by four Indian 
scouts. Coronado bid them return to their city and tell 
the people to remain quietly in their houses. The soldiers 
were now in dire need. Urging them on — for he knew 

father spoke the truth himself, he did not offer all the opposition he might have 
made to the exaggerations spread hy others and attributed to him. 
i See Note V. 

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the necessity — Coronado reached the first city. Before 
its walls stood some of the defenders massed behind lines 
of meal drawn on the ground. Soldier and priest sum- 
moned them to surrender. In reply they shot an arrow 
through Fray Luis's robe, and grew so bold as to come 
up almost to the heels of the horses. At length, the priest 
approving, Coronado ordered the onset, and the Indians 
fled to their housetops. It proved to be difficult to dis- 
lodge them, for the crossbowmen and musketeers were so 
weak that they were scarcely able to stand on their feet 
— much less properly to discharge their weapons. The 
Indians defended their homes valiantly and well. They shot 
arrows at the attackers. They hurled stones down upon 
them. Especially they singled out Coronado, not, he tells 
us, because he went in advance, but because his armor was 
gilded and glittered. They knocked him down twice, and 
would have killed him but for the excellence of his head- 
piece. To no avail was this stout defense. The invaders 
gained a lodgment on the roofs and drove the defenders 
out. At last the Spaniards held as their own one of the 
Seven Cities of Cibola. The mystery was solved, the illu- 
sions were gone. And yet Fray Marcos had spoken truth. 
The pueblos from afar resembled a city. The storied houses 
were the communal dwellings of the Zufii Indians. The 
jeweled portals were the hatchways, decorated with gem- 
stones, which led from the flat roofs to the rooms below. 
Nowhere was there gold, nowhere was there silver. 

Soon the other villages of the Zuni valley were visited, 
with the same sense of disillusionment. But westward 
and eastward wonders of the natural world were found 
which astonished even the Spaniards. It was in the 
autumn of 1540 that Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas and 
a dozen comrades gained the banks of a river which seemed 

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to be a mile or so below them. The natives described the 
water course as half a league wide. From their elevated 
positions it appeared to be about six feet in width. For 
three days Don Garcia Lopez and his men sought a way 
to the water. At one point three of the most agile of them 
started to go down by a favorable-looking path. They 
soon disappeared. Returning, they reported that they 
had been down about one third way. From that point 
the river seemed to be very large. Rocks on the side of 
the chasm which from above looked nearly as high as a 
man, when reached by the climbers proved to be " bigger 
than the great tower of Seville." The Grand Canon of 
the Colorado has never been more graphically described 
than by these first European visitors. As they could not 
reach the river — to say nothing of crossing it — and as 
water was scant on the upland, Don Garcia Lopez returned 
to headquarters. 

Hernando de Alvarado led the eastern exploring party. 
He returned with no tales of yawning chasms, but he 
found what was even more remarkable — vast plains in 
which there was no chasm great or small. Alvarado also 
came across other cities on his way to the plains. One of 
these was the pueblo of Acuco (Acoma), perched on top of 
a rock so high that only a very good musket could throw 
a ball to the summit. Still another pueblo, Tiguex 
(Tiguesh), was much better than Cibola, and Alvarado 
advised the removal of the army to that place. 

These things were all interesting; but Alvarado had 
found something much more satisfactory, for he had picked 
up an Indian from Florida who told him great stories of the 
abundance of gold and silver in that country. They called 
this loquacious native " The Turk " because he looked like 
one. With these tales in their ears they "did not care 

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about looking for cows," but hastened back to report the 
welcome tidings to Coronado. Meantime the main army 
had pushed on from Culiacan. By the beginning of De- 
cember the whole force was comfortably housed at Tiguex, 
one of the best of the pueblos. They were well supplied 
with food — both from what the natives had abandoned 
and from the live stock driven from New Spain. 

In the winter came a serious Indian insurrection. The 
causes of the rebellion have been set forth by the Spanish 
chroniclers in exculpatory terms. The Indian version has 
never been told, and never will be known. But the Spanish 
narratives give us causes sufficient to account for many 
revolts. They seized the Indians' dwellings with their 
stores of food; they seized the natives' clothing off their 
very backs. Castaneda describes the scene in his rough, 
simple way : " Thus these people could do nothing except 
take off their own cloaks and give them to make up the 
number demanded of them. And some of the soldiers 
who were in these parties, when the collectors gave them 
blankets or cloaks which were not such as they wanted, 
if they saw an Indian with a better one on, they exchanged 
with him without more ado, not stopping to find out the 
rank of the man they were stripping, which caused not a 
little hard feeling." When the natives complained to Co- 
ronado, the offenders were not punished and the Indians 

The surrender of the first of the " rebels " was followed 
by a breach of faith which exasperated the natives, but 
with which Coronado himself had nothing to do. Some 
two hundred prisoners had been taken. Don Garcia 
Lopez, not knowing that they had surrendered on con- 
dition that their lives should be spared, ordered them to 
be burnt. No one cognizant of the truth told him of the 

VOL. I. — O 

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conditions, " not thinking that it was any of their busi- 
ness," so Castafieda writes. Don Garcia ordered two hun- 
dred stakes to be made ready. But these were not all 
used, for when the prisoners saw the Spaniards begin- 
ning to roast their comrades, they made a wild rush for 
freedom. A few escaped and spread the news that the 
invaders did not respect the peace that they had made. 
The next pueblo beat off the besiegers for sixty-five days. 

Meantime, while this fighting had been going on, « The 
Turk" had been cheering the Spaniards with stories of 
riches far away toward the north and east. Whenever 
Spanish explorers or English explorers or French explorers 
report Indian stories which turn out to be false, it is gener- 
ally assumed that the Indian lied. But this assumption is 
not necessary. In the case of the southwestern Indians it 
is likely that they confounded gold, with which they were 
not familiar, with copper with which they were familiar, 
or with pyrites. Early English settlers made strange blun- 
ders in this regard, although they were acquainted with 
all three. Furthermore, the Spaniards frequently did not 
understand the Indians ; and, finally, we have the accounts 
of what the natives said generally at second or third 
hand. Castafieda, for instance, in old age wrote down the 
camp gossip of 1540-41. Probably he never knew what 
"The Turk" really said. In the case of this particular 
romancer another element comes in. Just before "The 
Turk " was garroted and when death was plainly in sight, 
he confessed that he purposely had led the Spaniards to the 
pathless plains to perish there or to grow so weak that on 
their return to the pueblos they would be easily overcome. 

In April, 1641, Coronado set out from Tiguex for the 
rich land of Quivira. For a month and more he and his 
men journeyed on and found plains, hunchback cows, and 

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Indians. The natives at first interested them ; they were 
unlike the pueblo dwellers and lived like Arabs in skin 
tents. As the Spaniards marched along, one of their 
number was directed to count his steps. After going 
two hundred and fifty leagues according to this reckon- 
ing, Coronado and the leading men decided that it would 
be impossible for the whole force to reach Quivira — in 
that season, at all events. With two score picked men, 
he pressed on while the others marched back to Tiguex. 
Fifty-two days of riding northward by the compass 
brought them to Quivira — in central Kansas. The long- 
sought city turned out to be a village, or a series of vil- 
lages, of the Indians of the plains. One piece of gold was 
found, but Coronado suspected that this had been given to 
the Indian who possessed it by one of his own men. 

Heart-broken, Coronado returned to Tiguex and, after 
another winter, to New Spain. Don Antonio de Mendoza 
received him coldly, although he had done all that human 
endeavor could have accomplished. But he had found 
neither cities nor treasure. Through no fault of his he 
had failed ; and Coronado disappears thenceforth as com- 
pletely as if he had not solved the age-long mystery of the 
Seven Cities. 

While Coronado was leading his men northward from 
Culiacan, Hernando de Alarcon was sailing up the Gulf 
of California to give succor to the land force, if there 
should be need. Passing the shoals at the northern end of 
the gulf, he entered the estuary of a great river, the Col- 
orado. Before he returned south again he made two boat 
expeditions up its waters — gaining a point not far from 
the beginning of the Grand Canon, about eighty-five 
leagues from the sea. The natives told him of a city 
thirty or forty days' march away. Recently, they said, 

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white men with "things which shot fire" had come to 
this city. Alarcon, unable to communicate with Coro- 
nado, left letters, as he had been instructed to do, and 
returned southward. One of these letters was recovered 
by Melchior Diaz, whom Coronado had placed in com- 
mand of one of the garrisons on the line of advance. In 
the years 1540-41, therefore, the Colorado was reached by 
three parties of Spaniards. But beyond the wonders of 
the Grand Canon it had nothing to reward its discoverers. 

With unquenchable zeal Mendoza in 1542 dispatched 
another sea expedition — this time for the exploration of 
the western shore of Lower California which Alarcon had 
showr to be a peninsula. Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo went 
in command, with Bartolome Ferrelo as navigator. Ca- 
brillo died before much had been done, and Ferrelo steered 
northward along the California coast to 44° north latitude. 
The amount of driftwood indicated the nearness of a 
great river; but a storm drove him off the coast before 
he saw the mouth of the Columbia. It is interesting to 
note, however, that the natives of the Pacific coast told 
Ferrelo of the presence in the interior of men like himself 
with beards and swords. And the Indians by pantomime 
tried — so Ferrelo thought — to signify to him men on 
horseback with lances. 1 With the return of this expe- 
dition Spanish interest in the region west of the Missis- 
sippi fades away. Missionaries offered themselves as 
sacrifices, and a trader or two now and then may have 
visited the pueblos. But the colonization of the South- 
west and of California was reserved for a later time. 

To the friars a better harvest seemed to lie in the 
region explored by De Soto. In 1549 a missionary ship 
approached the Florida coast, south of Tampa Bay. But 

* For Alarcon's and Cabrillo's voyages, see Winship's Coronado, 403 and fol. 

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the Indians killed the missionaries as fast as they ventured 
on shore. The last to die was the leader, Fray Luis Can- 
cer de Barbastro. Ten years elapsed and another expe- 
dition approached the same fatal Florida land (1559). 
Tristan de Luna y Arellano was the commander, and he 
had under his orders fifteen hundred soldiers and settlers. 
With provisions for one year he landed not far from 
the modern Pensacola. Immediately a terrific hurricane 
destroyed seven of the fleet and ruined large quantities 
of supplies. Then came fever and hunger — the latter 
slightly appeased by food sent from Mexico and corn 
looted from the natives — and the colony was abandoned. 
The last of these ineffectual Spanish attempts at coloni- 
zation was made in 1561 by Angel de Villafane. The 
scene of his projected settlement was Santa Elena — now 
Port Royal Sound — on the South Carolina coast. But 
the soil of that region did not suit the Spaniards. They 
sailed northward as far as the Santee and, despairing of 
success, returned to San Domingo. On the 1st of January, 
1562, there was not a Spaniard — there was not a white 
man of any race — on the soil of the mainland of what is 
now the United States. 

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I. Discovery of the Mississippi. — The main sources of information 
for the voyage of Pineda are the official papers in Navarrete's Coleccion, 
iii, 147, and the Documentos Intditos, ii, 568. The chroniclers, especially 
Herrera, mention the voyage but give little information. As to the 
identification of the Espiritu Santo with the Mississippi there is still 
a good deal of dispute, see Dr. Shea in Winsor's America (ii, 237). Rye 
in the Introduction to the Hakluyt Society's edition of the Narrative 
of the Gentleman of Elvas (p. xxiii) quotes Greenhow with apparent 
approval as assigning the honor to Pineda. Winsor, in a note on 
p. 292 of vol. ii of his America, appears to be in doubt; but in his 
Cartier to Frontenac, 5, and his Mississippi Basin, 6, he shows no 
doubt as to Pineda's being the discoverer of the Mississippi. The 
most strenuous opponents of this identification are Walter B. Scaife 
{America, its Geographical History, Supplement) and Peter J. Hamil- 
ton (Colonial Mobile, 10). These students identify the Espiritu Santo 
with Mobile Bay. It is perhaps needless to point out that, even if 
Pineda's claims are discarded, Cabeza de Vaca and other comrades 
of Narvaez clearly saw the mouth of the Mississippi and perhaps 
crossed its lower course. In any event, therefore, De Soto cannot 
be regarded as the discoverer of the " Father of Waters." 

II. Narvaez and Cabeza de Vaca. — For Narvaez and the fortunes 
of his companions we are necessarily forced to rely on La Relation 
que dio Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca de lo acaescido en las Indtas en 
la Armada donde yua por governador Pdphilo de Narvaez, 1542. In 
the third issue (1749) the title appears as Naufragios de Alvar 
Nunez Cabeza de Vaca; y Relation de la Jornada, que hizo d la Florida 
con el Adelantado FdnfUo de Narvdez. This has been admirably 
translated by Buckingham Smith as the Relation of Alvar Nunez 
Cabeqa de Vaca (New York, 1871). This volume also contains other 
matter on the same theme. The "Relacion" was not written until 
many details had become dim in Cabeza's memory. Oviedo (Historia 
General, ed. of 1851, libro xxxv, vol. iii, pp. 579-618) gives the sub- 
stance of a letter or report made by Cabeza and one of his companions. 

There has been a good deal of controversy as to Cabeza's line of 
march from the Gulf of Mexico to that of California. 1 The best 

* On the question of the route the best terly, especially one by Judge Coop wood 
recent discussions are three papers in the (iii, 108-140, 177-208 ; iv, 1-32). Preced- 
Texas State Historical Association's Qua r- ing these should be mentioned Bande- 

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opinion nowadays favors an extreme southern route, but as to the 
exact localities visited no two students agree. One point may be 
urged against this conclusion: Cabeza understood the Indian lan- 
guage perfectly ; it is difficult, therefore, to see how he could have 
gone so near the Spanish settlement at Panuco and not have heard 
of it It is generally admitted that Cabeza did not go far enough 
north to see a pueblo. Apart from this the question of the route 
has mainly a local interest. 1 

III. De Soto. — There is no satisfactory account at first hand of 
De Soto's expedition. Probably the best narrative is the Relaxant 
verdadeira . . . Agora novamete feita per hu Jidalgo Ddvas. This 
was translated into English by Hakluyt and is usually cited as the 
"Narrative of the Portuguese Gentleman of Elvas." A much 
briefer statement is that made by Biedma in a Relation del suceso de 
la Jornada que hizo Hernando de Soto. Biedma was an officer of the 
expedition, and his narrative was written at about the time of his 
return ; who the " Gentleman of Elvas " may have been, or when he 
wrote, or what his sources of information were, are not known. The 
longest account is Garcilaso de la Vega's La Florida del Inea. His- 
toria del Adelantado, Hernando de Soto. This was based upon the 
narratives of three survivors and was written some forty years after 
the return of those veterans to civilization. A fourth account is 
given in Oviedo's Historia General (ed. of 1861, i, 644-677). This 
is founded on a report which Rodrigo Banjel, De Soto's secretary, 
compiled soon after the arrival in Mexico. It was based on a diary 
which was kept probably from day to day. Oviedo gives only an 
abstract of the report, which becomes briefer and briefer as the jour- 
ney proceeded. For exactness of statement the attenuated Ranjel 
seems to give the greatest satisfaction. Then comes Biedma, the 
" Gentleman of Elvas," and Garcilaso de la Vega in the order named. 1 
For fanciful pictures of battles and suffering the order should be 
exactly reversed. 

Iter's statement in his Contribution* to the other accounts are in Winsor's America, 

History of the Southwestern Portion of ii, 288. 

the United States and H. H. Bancroft's * As to the value of these narratives, 

North Mexican States, i, 68 note. see an extract from a note written by 

i Bandolier's narrative in his Contri- Dr. J. G. Shea in Mississippi Historical 

buttons referred to above is the best ac- Society's Publications, vi, 450. See also 

count for the serious student. In briefer Shea's article in the second volume of 

form his views are set forth in Magazine Winsor's America, 
of Western History, iv, 327. References to 

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The relations of the "Gentleman of Elvas" and of Biedma are 
translated in W. B. Rye's Discovery and Conquest of Florida (Hak- 
luyt Society, 1851) and by Buckingham Smith in his Narratives of 
the Career of Hernando de Soto (New York, 1866, 126 copies). 1 An 
" abridged translation " of RanjePs report as given by Oviedo, con- 
taining the ethnology, topography, and itinerary of the narrative by 
Professor T. H. Lewis, is in the American Antiquarian, xxii, 351-357 ; 
xxiii, 107-111, 242-247. Garcilaso de la Vega's Florida del Inca 
has been translated into English by Barnard Shipp* and has been 
made the foundation for the more popular accounts of this part of 
De Soto's career. 8 The accounts, except that of Garcilaso de la 
Vega, are in Bourne's Narratives of Hernando de Soto (he uses 
Smith's translations of the Elvas and Biedma accounts). 

IV. Fray Marcos. — Bandelier's Contributions 4 contains nearly all 
that can be said as to Fray Marcos and his journey. At times, in 
his desire to clear the friar's reputation, Mr. Bandelier has somewhat 
exaggerated the points in his favor ; but the chapter as a whole is of 
the highest importance. Winship, in a paper entitled Why Coro- 
nado went to New Mexico in 15Jfi 5 and in his Coronado (35&-370), 
has stated the facts clearly and well. The surviving report of Fray 
Marcos is in Documentos Intditos (iii, 325). Winship in the intro- 
duction to his Coronado notes all other references. 

V. Coronado. — In his Coronado Expedition* George Parker Winship 
has brought together in one volume everything that can be regarded 
as "sources" of information, has translated these with abundant 

1 Buckingham Smith also brought 
together many documents relating to the 
Florida expeditions in Coleccion de vartos 
documentos para la historia de la Florida 
y tierras adyacentes, London, 1867 (vol. i 
all ever issued). See also his Letter of 
Hernando de Escalante Fontaneda. 

8 Barnard Shipp's History of Her- 
nando de Soto and Florida. Theodore 
Irving's Conquest of Florida, Cunning- 
ham-Graham's Hernando de Soto, and 
Grace King's De Soto and the Lund of 
Florida are among the best of the popular 

*Harrisse (Discovery of America, 
044) gives a map which was made after 
the return of Moscoso and before 1559. 
It gives a detailed topography of the 
Gulf region with many names which 

resemble those of the narratives. It is 
poorly reproduced in Mississippi Histori- 
cal Society's Publications, vi, 449, where 
an attempt is made to identify localities. 
Jones's Georgia, Pickett's Alabama, and 
Hamilton's Colonial Mobile also attempt 
identifications. Rye, in the Hakluyt 
Society volume noted above, brings to- 
gether material as to the western part of 
the journey. 

* Contributions to the History of the 
Southwestern Portion of the United 
States, 106-178. 

6 American Historical Association's 
Report for 1894, 83-92. 

• Fourteenth Annual Report of the 
Bureau of Ethnology ; also issued sepa- 

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notes, and has prefixed to the work a luminous and invaluable Intro- 
duction. The document around which this admirable work has been 
built up is Pedro de Castaneda de Nagera's Relation de la Jornada 
de Cibola. It is a wonderfully graphic description, but it was written 
years after the events which it portrays. In an earlier publication, 
in the American History Leaflets, No. 13, Mr. Winship printed trans- 
lations of several papers which were later included in his large work. 
The documents in Ternaux-Compans's " Cibola volume " are so poorly 
edited as to be of little assistance. The best brief account of this 
expedition is in C. F. Lummis's Spanish Pioneers. Henry W. 
Haynes's chapter in Winsor's America, ii, was written before the Cas- 
taneda became accessible except through Ternaux's French version. 

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Pish and furs, and the hope of silks and spices, drew 
men to the barren shores of northeastern America. To 
their hopeful imaginations it also seemed that the passage 
to Cipango and India might there be found. In 1497 John 
Cabot thought that he had come near the goal, and the 
next year (1498) he lost his life in the further prosecution 
of the search. Within five years of his disappearance 
Gaspar and Miguel Cortereal perished in the same quest; 
the precise mode of their dying still forms one of the most 
attractive mysteries for the searcher of the unknown in 
American history. French fishermen frequented the banks 
of Newfoundland from a very early day ; they may have 
been there as early as 1500. With them were fishermen 
from other maritime nations of Western Europe ; and there 
is no evidence that the Frenchmen were the first to come. 1 
Fur traders from France anchored off the shores of New- 
foundland and Labrador before 1534. The most peculiar 
thing about these fishing and trading voyages is their 
failure to contribute anything to the world's stock of 
geographical knowledge. In the fifteenth and sixteenth 
centuries, voyages for the purpose of making money by 
peaceful means and expeditions for discovery and explora- 
tion were widely different enterprises and demanded dis- 

i Parkman (Pioneers, 189-191) gives together a mass of material which proves 

the traditions and stories of the French little more than the presence of many 

fishermen. D. W. Prowse, in hia History fishermen on the American fishing 

of Newfoundland (pp. 1-60), brings grounds in the sixteenth century. 


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similar capacities. The explorer often was more akin to 
the buccaneer and the corsair than to the dealer in furs or 
the salter of fish. 

The first corsair and explorer to sail under the French 
flag in American waters was Giovanni da Verrazano, 1 a 
native of Florence. It was in 1524 that he crossed the 
Atlantic with the favor of Francis I, King of France. 
Seeking a western waterway to China, he first saw the 
American coast somewhere near Cape Fear. Before long 
he came across a party of natives who appeared to him to be 
as black as negroes and quite unlike the Indians of Eastern 
Asia ; but the Indies were doubtless near at hand. Per- 
haps for this reason, he thought that the color of the New 
Jersey and Delaware sands denoted the presence of gold. 
Sailing northward, the navigators followed the coast and 
entered New York harbor; but they made no long stay 
there because their anchorage just inside of Sandy Hook 
was exposed to the winds from the sea. At Newport they 
made a longer visit and were greatly impressed by the 
natives of that region, whose mild and pleasant expres- 
sion, to their delighted eyes, closely resembled that of 
the folk of antiquity. From this aboriginal paradise the 
explorers followed the shore northeastward and thence re- 
turned to France. Soon after, Verrazano disappeared from 
historic scene, almost as suddenly as he had entered it, — 
where, or how, no one knows. 

Probably no single event in our history has aroused 
sharper controversy than the voyage which has been de- 
scribed in the preceding paragraph. Three able and subtle 
disputants have argued the case so learnedly and so length- 
ily as thoroughly to befog the points at issue. These de- 
baters were Henry C. Murphy, J. Carson Brevoort, and 

1 See Note I at end of the present chapter. 

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Benjamin Franklin De Costa, representing three distinct 
racial origins. Mr. George Dexter, of a fourth stock, has 
shown how obstacles which seemed formidable to the 
enthusiastic controversialist yield to the touch of common 
sense. Mr. Murphy, for example, seeks to discredit the 
Verrazano voyage because no original manuscript of the 
" Verrazano Letter " is in existence. 1 In reply it might be 
said that if we were to follow him in this, we should throw 
out the voyages of Christopher Columbus and Magellan, 
of Jacques Cartier and Francis Drake, to say nothing of 
the plays of Shakespeare and Johnson, and of all that 
went before them. We may safely accept the Verrazano 
voyage in its broad outlines and leave the settlement of 
the details to posterity. 

Ten years passed away before another explorer crossed 
the western Atlantic under the ensign of France. It was 
in 1534 that Jacques Cartier 2 of St. Malo passed the 
Strait of Belle Isle and coasted the southern shores of 
Labrador. At one place he found a fur trader of La 
Rochelle peacefully lying at anchor. The stones and rocks 
of the neighboring land were bare of soil and vegetation ; 
the country, it seemed to him, must be that assigned to 
Cain. 8 Turning his prow southward, Cartier sought more 
congenial shores. After touching at various points, he 
entered a bay which promised at first sight to be the 
hoped-for passage to China, for he, too, was seeking the 
Northwest Passage. The shores of this bay were delight- 
ful ; wheat, with an ear like that of rye, grew wild ; 4 the 
climate was warmer than that of Spain, for Cartier was 
there in summer, — he named it the Baye de Chaleur, 

i Murphy's Voyage of Verraxzano, 10. < Relation Originate (edition of 1867), 

* See Note II. 34. 

• Relation Originate (edition of 1867), 

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1534, 1535] CARTIER'S VOYAGES 93 

which it is still called. He coasted northward to Gasp6, 
where he planted a cross and kidnaped two Indians. He 
then sailed to Anticosti. The water passage between that 
island and the Labrador coast especially interested him ; 
but for some unknown reason * he abandoned further ex- 
ploration for the time being. On September 5 he was 
once more at St. Malo and immediately began prepara- 
tions for a new expedition. 

By August of the next year, 1535, Cartier was again at 
Anticosti. Passing between that island and Labrador, he 
successfully braved the dangers of the lower St. Lawrence 
and reached the wondrous gloomy mouth of the Saguenay. 
Proceeding upward, the voyagers came to the vine-clad Isle 
of Bacchus 2 which Cartier later named Isle d'Orleans. 
Just beyond its upper end the frowning cliff of Quebec 
narrowed the waterway to more river-like proportions. 
The inhabitants of this region were Indians like those 
whom Cartier had seen on his first voyage. In the in- 
terior, however, he understood the natives to say, was the 
kingdom of Saguenay, where there were white people who 
wore woolen clothing and in the country of Picquemyans 
there were men with only one leg apiece. 8 

In his smallest vessel and then in rowboats, Cartier 
proceeded onward and upward beyond Quebec 4 until the 
La Chine rapids barred further progress. Near this barrier 
was the Indian village of Hochelaga, — the capital city of 
the kings of that region. Escorted by a troop of savages. 

i Parkman (Pioneers, 203) appears to * Brief Recit (edition of 1883), 14. 

attribute this early return to ' ' gathering • Ibid., 40. 

autumnal storms." As it was then early 4 Quebec is probably the phonetic 

in August, this seems an insufficient ex- French spelling of the Indian word signi- 

pla nation. De Costa (Winsor's America, fying strait. Cf . Parkman's Pioneers, 

ir, 60) speaks of " supplies running low," 336 note, 
bnt there is no hint of this in the original 

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Cartier ascended a steep hill that stood hard by the stream ; 
he named it Mont Royal and it is so called now. As he 
looked about him, his dream of a Northwest Passage 
faded away ; forest-clad mountains and an impetuous river 
greeted his eyes. 1 Returning to Quebec, he wintered in 
its neighborhood and twenty-five of his men perished from 
scurvy. All the Frenchmen might have died had not 
the Indians told them of a marvelous medicine. As a 
requital for this saving draught, Cartier kidnaped the 
friendly Indian chief and carried him to France, where he 
speedily died. 

Two more voyages to the St. Lawrence and one more 
winter of death and hardship completed Cartier's Ameri- 
can experience. Other Frenchmen came to these northern 
regions to trade for furs or to draw fish from the seas; 
but, until 1604, nothing was done that can be called 
colonization. The French turned to a kindlier clime, 
where was enacted a more cruel tragedy than the scurvy- 
ridden regions of the North or the depths of the Iroquois 
forests ever witnessed, — the murder of Christians by 
their fellow-Christians in the name of Christ and Philip 
the Second, King of Spain. 

Jean Ribaut of Dieppe was a seaman of renown in his 
day ; but in the cold light of history he appears lacking 
in those decisive qualities which make a successful sea 
fighter and prosperous pioneer. 9 In 1562 he led an ex- 
ploring expedition to the American coast and made land 
not far from the site of the later St. Augustine. Coasting 
slowly northward, he entered the estuary of what promised 
to be a great river. It was May Day, and accordingly he 
called the stream the River of May ; but it is now known 

i Britf Redt (edition of 1863) , 27. on the French in Florida are enumerated 

* The more important of the books in Note HI. 

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by its Spanish name of St. Johns. Going ashore, the 
Frenchmen were joyously received by the natives, to 
whom they seemed to be "Children of the Sun," bring- 
ing an Indian millennium ! To Ribaut the land appeared 
to be "the fairest, fruitfulest, and pleasantest of all 
the world." The Frenchmen thought that gold and 
silver and pearls abounded there, and best of all that 
only twenty days' journey away was Cibola with its 
Seven Cities. Whatever one may think of the Spaniards 
and their doings in America, one cannot help admiring 
the skill with which they concealed their geographical 
knowledge. A score of years after Coronado's return 
and De Soto's burial the Seven Cities seemed desirable 
to Frenchmen, and to be within a short distance of the 
Atlantic coast. 

Without waiting to test the truth of these stories, Ribaut 
sailed northward and came to river after river, which he 
named for those other rivers, dear to every Frenchman, — 
Seine, Somme, Loire, Charente, Garonne. He determined 
to leave a garrison to hold the land. Calling for volunteers, 
the greater part of his men wished to remain. Thirty 
only were chosen to remain behind. The settlers built 
a fort on Port Royal Sound, not far from the Beaufort 
of the modern maps, and named it Charlesfort for that 
soulless monarch, Charles IX of France. Then began the 
everlasting story which was to mark settlement after 
settlement on the Atlantic shore : hunger, mutiny, blood- 
shed. Killing their leaders, the mutineers built a rude 
boat and sailed for France. At first the wind blew them 
gayly onward, then it died away. The daily allowance of 
food was reduced to twelve grains of corn and then to 
nothing. For a time their shoes and leathern jackets 
afforded a meagre subsistence. When that was gone, they 

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drew lots to see which of their emaciated bodies should 
sustain the lives of the rest. As the flesh of the first 
victim gave out, the coast of France came into sight. 
Unfortunate to the end, between them and their beloved 
land was an hostile English vessel. 

A year and more passed away before, in June, 1564, 
another French fleet sailed into the River of May. The 
commander of the new expedition was Rene de Laudon- 
niere, a Huguenot. His men were mainly French Protes- 
tants, and they had come to found a colony in the New 
World. On the southern bank of the river, about five 
miles from the sea, they began a fort of generous propor- 
tions which they named Fort Caroline. A year's winds and 
rains made huge breaches in its ill-constructed ramparts, 
which the occupants were too feeble or too lazy to repair. 
At the beginning the neighboring natives were friendly; 
they gave the settlers food and a wedge of silver, which 
latter proved to be a fatal gift. For, instead of cultivating 
the soil, the settlers searched for treasure and allied them- 
selves with one tribe of Indians against other Indians, their 
enemies. Hungry and disheartened, they began to quarrel 
among themselves. Too cowardly to stab Laudonniere, 
the conspirators sought to poison him with arsenic or to 
blow him up with gunpowder placed under his bed of 
sickness. Some of the discontented colonists stole away 
in boats to plunder the towns of the Cuban coasts. Hunger 
forced them to surrender to the Spaniards, who thus gained 
information of the existence of the French colony on the 
Florida seashore. Still another band of mutineers wrung 
from Laudonniere a commission to fight the Spaniards; 
in no long time they returned unsuccessful and starving ; 
but these attacks, coupled with those of earlier French 
corsairs, convinced the Spanish government that the French 

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settlement must be broken up or it would become a nest 
for marauders. 1 

The aspect of affairs on the River of May was pitiful. 
For a year no supplies had come from France, and the 
colonists had not planted a single seed. The country 
round about them teemed with game and the river at their 
door held myriads of fish, but in the midst of plenty, they 
starved. They sustained an existence by roots grubbed 
up in the forest and fish bones dug from the heaps of 
refuse. "Return to France" was now the cry. August 8, 
1565, the lookout at the river's mouth saw a great ship 
standing toward the land. Soon three others came into 
view. These were the Jesus, Solomon, Tiger, and Swallow, 
commanded by the redoubtable John Hawkins, who was 
returning home from his second slave-trading voyage. 
Needing water, he bethought himself of the French Prot- 
estants on the River of May. Seeing their sorry plight, 
he offered to take them all to France free of cost. But 
this plan savored too much of national humiliation to be 
acceptable. Laudonnidre was willing, however, to buy 
one of Hawkins's vessels, for which he gave his heavy guns, 
and to receive supplies of food, for which he never paid. 
Favoring winds blew Hawkins off the coast. The French 
colonists were still awaiting another favorable wind when 
Jean Ribaut, with recruits and supplies, anchored in the 
river's mouth. There was a sudden revulsion of feel- 
ing; everything seemed favorable to success. "But, lo," 
wrote Laudonniere, "how oftentimes misfortune doth 
search or pursue us, even when we think to be at rest." 
In the night of September 4, 1565, a Spanish fleet sailed 
into the midst of the French vessels swinging lazily at 
their moorings. 

1 On this subject, see Roidfaz y Carayia's La Florida : su ConquUta y Colonizaddn. 
vol. i. — h 

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The commander of the Spanish expedition was Pedro 
Menendez de Aviles, the bloodiest Spaniard who ever 
cursed American soil — and one of the ablest. Moreover, 
he was one of the few practical seamen who commanded 
fleets for Spain, and neither private griefs nor two years' 
imprisonment in the dungeons of the Spanish Council for 
the Indies had daunted his fierce spirit or lowered his 
masterful courage. 

The sea route from the treasure ports of Mexico and 
Central America was through the channel between Florida 
and the Bahamas. This region was within the sweep of 
the West India hurricanes, and shipwrecks were not infre- 
quent. Menendez's son had disappeared one stormy day, 
and the father was fitting out an expedition to search for 
him when news reached Spain from Cuba of the French 
settlement in Florida. At almost the same moment re- 
ports came from France of the fitting out of Ribaut's fleet. 
Menendez was placed at the head of a large expedition 
of nineteen vessels and fifteen hundred men and ordered 
to destroy the French colony. Storms dispersed his fleet, 
and with three ships only he reached the Florida coast. 

When the Spanish vessels unexpectedly ranged along- 
side the French ships lying at anchor off the mouth of the 
River of May, the crews of the latter were mostly on 
shore ; the ship-keepers exchanged insults with the Span- 
iards, cut their cables, and stood out to sea, firing as they 
went. The Spaniards pursued, but the French ships were 
too fast to be overtaken. Menendez returned to the river 
to find that Ribaut was prepared to dispute the entrance 
with his smaller vessels. The Spaniards then sailed south- 
ward. Fifty miles away they made a landing and began 
the settlement of St. Augustine (September 5, 1565). 
Gathering his scattered ships and taking with him nearly 

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all the able-bodied men at Fort Caroline, Ribaut followed 
the Spaniards. He came upon them in confusion — some 
on shipboard, others on shore. Now was a leader's 
opportunity ; but Ribaut turned his ships offshore. A 
few days later a hurricane drove the whole French fleet 
on the sandy beach some miles to the southward of St. 

No hesitant was Menendez ; besides, unlike Ribaut, he 
had definite orders to attack and to destroy. Conceiving 
intuitively the Frenchman's plight, and certain of his ab- 
sence from Fort Caroline, Menendez forced his men 
through storms, forests, and swamps to the French settle- 
ment. September 19 found him and his soldiers at the 
gates of the fort, weak with hunger, drenched to the skin, 
and in water up to their knees. La Vigne, the officer of 
the watch on the ruined ramparts, had dismissed his men 
to their quarters, and himself had gone to bed; but a 
trumpeter, who had not yet deserted his post, sounded the 
alarm. The Spaniards poured into the fort through the 
unguarded opening. Laudonniere and fifty more French- 
men jumped from the walls, deserting the women, the 
children, and the sick. After terrible suffering most of 
them gained a few small vessels which still remained in 
the river. The commander of one of these ships, Jacques 
Ribaut, son of the admiral, with unparalleled cowardice 
sailed for France, leaving his father to his fate. 

Ribaut and his shipwrecked crews struggling northward 
over the sands of the coast, one after another, fell into 
Menendez's power; with their hands tied behind them 
they were put to the knife. 1 Such of them as refused to 

1 Letter of Menendez in Massachusetts Florida: su ConquUta y ColonizacUfn, 
Historical Society's Proceedings, Second ii, 89. 
Series, viii, 429; Ruidfaz y Caravia's, La 

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surrender except on conditions, four carpenters whose ser- 
vices were desirable, and a few who declared themselves 
Roman Catholics were saved from the slaughter, as were 
about fifty women and the younger children. The dead 
were all Protestants, and it appeared to Menendez that 
" to chastise them in this way would serve God our Lord, 
as well as your Majesty, and that we should thus be left 
more free from this wicked sect to plant the Gospel in 
these parts." On the margin of this dispatch in the hand- 
writing of Philip II are the words : " Say to him that as 
to those he has killed he has done well : and as to those 
he has saved they shall be sent to the galleys." * 

The story now turns again to the frozen North, for there 
lay the hope of French colonization in America. Of the 
earlier French explorers, fur traders, and colonists none 
showed more indomitable perseverance than Samuel de 
Champlain. Born in 1567, he first saw the coast of 
America in command of a ship bearing recruits to the 
Spanish garrisons in the West Indies. Visiting Panama 
he advocated the cutting of a canal through the isthmus ; 
a project which had already been advanced, and had been 
met with the objection that the expense would be so great 
as to empty the treasure-houses of Charles the Fifth. 

In 1603 Champlain 2 made his first voyage to the scene 
of his future labors. He came to the St. Lawrence with 
Pont Grave, a fur trader who had already made several 
expeditions to Canada. While their vessel was completing 
her cargo, Pont Grave and Champlain voyaged up the 

1 Massachusetts Historical Society's text because the expedition, if it was 

Proceedings, New Series, viii, 429 and made, produced no permanent results 

459. The latter quotation in a somewhat and because the sources of information 

free rendering is in Parkman's Pioneers, are meagre and do not seem to be 

151. For a literal translation, see Note authentic. 

IV. * The books on Champlain are men- 
There is no account of the retaliatory tioned in Note V. 
expedition of Dominic de Gourges in the 

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river to the falls near Mont Royal. The villages, which 
had been thronged with Indian life in 1535, were now 
deserted. Champlain essayed to ascend the rapids; but 
after a trial gave over the attempt and made his way 
down the river. On his return to France, he presented to 
the king a map and a report, the first of a long series 
of papers from his pen. 

Pierre de Guast, Sieur de Monts, now conceived the 
project of a combined fur-trading and colonizing enter- 
prise, 1 the profits of the business to defray the expenses 
of the colony and possibly leave a balance. With influ- 
ence at court, he secured from Henry IV a commission 
authorizing him to colonize and govern the region between 
the fortieth and forty-sixth parallels of latitude, stretch- 
ing from Philadelphia to northern Nova Scotia, under the 
name of La Cadie or Acadia, as the English called it. 
At the same time De Monts secured a grant of a monopoly 
of the fur trade of this region and of the St. Lawrence Gulf 
and River. 

In 1604 with Champlain and other gentlemen, mechan- 
ics, and criminals \De Monts sailed for Acadia. After a 
brief exploration hp began to build houses on an island 
which he called St. Croix. This island was in the estuary 
of one of those rivers which give an amphibious char- 
acter to the country around Passamaquoddy Bay. In 
later years, when the St. Croix River came to mark the 
eastern end of the boundary between the United States 
and British America, the identity of the island became a 
matter of lively interest. All doubt was finally set at 
rest by the discovery of the ruins of De Monts's houses. 2 

1 The story of this enterprise is well * See on this point the Report of the 

set forth by H. P. Biggar in his Early Joint Commission of 1798 and American 

Trading Companies of New France, Antiquarian Society's Proceedings for 

ch. iv. October, 1896, pp. 160 and 188. In one 

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St. Croix Island was well fitted to mark a boundary. 
It proved to be unsuitable as the site of a settlement. Its 
wind-swept surface was cold and dreary ; it was too small 
for cultivation ; and the soil was poor. There was little 
firewood on the island, and the winter ice in the river made 
it difficult to bring fuel from the mainland. The season 
was severe ; scurvy and other diseases attacked the colo- 
nists ; and when the warm weather came again nearly one 
half of them were dead. Abandoning this inhospitable 
spot, the survivors crossed the Bay of Fundy and settled 
on the shores of Annapolis Basin, which they called Port 

Champlain, abounding in energy, could not remain 
quietly at St. Croix. In the autumn of 1604 he sailed 
along the coast as far west as the Penobscot River, and 
in the spring of 1605 accompanied De Monts as far south 
as the heel of Cape Cod. The ill-fortune that dogged 
Champlain and French explorers and colonists generally, 
led the voyagers past the harbors of Portland and Boston 
without seeing their entrances. Had they entered either 
of these ports, they could hardly have failed to recog- 
nize their possibilities, and had a settlement been made 
on the shores of Boston Harbor, it might very well have 
turned out that New England would have been New 
France, and the whole history of North America would 
have been unlike the actuality. As it was, the explorers 
entered Plymouth Harbor, and Champlain made an inter- 
esting map of it, calling it Port St. Louis. 1 In 1606 he 
rounded Cape Cod and sailed to Vineyard Sound, but failed 

of these articles it is stated that the cottage " on the island. There is now no 

stones on Douchet Island or St. Croix, trace of the foundations, 
which were regarded as those of De * The English Martin Pring had vis- 

Monts's foundations, were later used in ited the spot in the preceding year, and 

" building the lighthouse and the keeper's had named it Whitson Haven . 

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to push his discoveries as far as Newport, Long Island 
Sound, or New York. In 1607 De Monts abandoned his 
share in the enterprise, and Champlain returned to France. 

For a century and more the Acadian settlement led a 
lingering existence — the climate, the soil, and the racial 
peculiarities of the settlers made against success. One 
episode in the dreary story deserves fuller mention — the 
attempt of French Jesuits to found a mission on the coast 
of what is now New England. It was in 1613 that four 
priests, well supplied with food and workingmen, landed 
on the shore of Soames's Sound, a deep indentation in 
the picturesque island of Mt. Desert. The colonists had 
scarcely disembarked when Samuel Argall, sailing north- 
ward from Jamestown on a fishing cruise, learned of the 
existence of the embryonic settlement. What legal right 
or instructions he had to attack the Frenchmen is not 
perfectly clear, but Argall was not a man to stickle at 
technicalities. 1 He set upon the colonists, captured some 
of them, drove the remainder away, and returned to Vir- 
ginia with his prisoners. A few months later he again 
came north, and this time he had definite orders to kill 
and destroy. Visiting Port Royal he burned the settle- 
ment, but the settlers fled to the woods and could not 
be captured. As soon as he was gone they rebuilt their 
ruined huts, and continued to keep up a semblance of 
civilized life; but Acadia never prospered under French 
rule. 9 In 1671 there were not four hundred white peo- 
ple 8 in the vast region east of the Kennebec. 

In 1608 Champlain returned to America in the three- 

* On ArgalTs doings on the Maine * Besides the works of Murdoch and 

coast, see Alexander Brown's Genesis of Hannay on Nova Scotia, or Acadia, may 

the United States, ii, 664, 700, and First be mentioned Moreau's HUtoire de 

Republic in America, 191-196, and Mas- VAcadie Francoise (Paris, 1873). 
sachusetts Historical Society's Proceed- • Rameau's La France awt Colonies, 

ings, Second Series, i, 187. 23. 

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fold guise of fur trader, explorer, and colonist, which he 
was to maintain for the rest of his life. Ascending the 
St. Lawrence to Quebec, he built a fort or garrison house, 
which may be looked upon as the beginning of the 
present town of that name. In the autumn Champlain, 
with twenty-seven men, remained to hold the post for 
France. When spring came, in 1609, and the ice in the 
river broke up, eight only of the twenty-eight were alive, 
and four of the eight were ill. 1 

In the long idleness of the winter Champlain had formed 
a plan which was as bold as it proved to be disastrous. 
Briefly, his scheme was to enter into an alliance with the 
Indians of the northern bank of the St. Lawrence and with 
them make war on their enemies, the Iroquois. His reward 
would be the opportunity to explore the heart of the land. 
For France, the conquest of the Iroquois might mean 
much. They were the implacable enemies of the northern 
Indians. Their conversion to the Christian faith might 
follow their conquest and would give France the mastery 
of lands which perhaps would prove to hold the road to 
China and the golden East. Champlain may have rea- 
soned in some such wise; but he had not the means to 
reach a definite conclusion, for the might and cohesive 
force of the Iroquois confederacy were unknown. Had 
the Iroquois been an ordinary Indian tribe, the plan might 
have succeeded ; but so far from being an ordinary tribe, 
the League of the Iroquois was unlike all other Indian 
tribes, — it was the strongest and most formidable organi- 
zation in North America. 

Champlain, with two white men and an Indian war 
party, plunged into the wilderness by way of the River 
of the Iroquois, now known as the Richelieu. He soon 

* Slafter's Champlain, ii, 199. 

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came to where the river widened into a charming lake 
which still bears its finder's name. Somewhere on its 
western edge, probably not far from the site of the later 
Ticonderoga, an Iroquois war party was descried. The 
hostiles barricaded themselves, and the invaders spent the 
night in their canoes. In the morning the two bands 
came together, the Iroquois leaving their fort and advanc- 
ing across open ground ; suddenly Champlain, armor-clad, 
with a plumed headpiece, stepped out from the throng 
of the invaders and discharged his gun. Two Indians 
dropped dead and a third was borne away wounded. A 
timely shot from one of his men on the flank killed a 
third Iroquois, when the others turned and fled. This 
unexpected attack aroused in the Iroquois a fierce hatred 
of Frenchmen and things French. A few weeks later a 
Dutch ship, the Half-Moon^ commanded by an English 
sailor, Henry Hudson, encountered another band of Iro- 
quois — members of the Mohawk tribe — in the mid- 
reaches of the Hudson River. He entertained the native 
chiefs most royally with biscuit and grog. Ever after- 
ward the Iroquois clave to the Dutch and the English, 
who bought their furs and supplied them with fire- 
water and firearms. On the other hand, they killed or 
tortured very nearly every Frenchman, whether he were 
missionary or explorer, who fell into their hands. Hold- 
ing the routes leading from the St. Lawrence southward 
and living on the flank of the most feasible route from the 
Upper Lakes to Montreal, their hostility closed a large 
part of the continent to the French and at the same time 
protected the English colonies from French attack. Had 
the case been reversed, it is difficult to see how the north- 
ern English colonies could have maintained themselves. 
Champlain's assault at Ticonderoga was not an isolated 

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instance of French aggression. In 1610 the northern In- 
dians, aided by French guns, inflicted a severe defeat 
upon the Iroquois. In 1613 Champlain and a dozen 
white comrades accompanied a great Indian war party to 
what is now western New York. Ascending the Ottawa 
River and making several portages, the expedition reached 
Lake Huron. 1 Proceeding thence, the party crossed the 
eastern end of Lake Ontario and attacked an Iroquois 
stronghold which was situated not far from Lake Oneida. 
This fort was well designed and constructed, and the Iro- 
quois remained behind their defenses. Against an ordi- 
nary Indian attack, it was impregnable; but Champlain 
caused a movable platform to be built, lofty enough to 
overlook the palisade. From this fortified perch the 
French gunners drove the defenders from the walls, but 
this was the limit of Champlain's success ; for his Indian 
allies, mad with excitement, rushed promiscuously and 
prematurely to the attack and failed. They then re- 
treated, carrying Champlain in a basket for part of the 
way on account of a wound which he had received. 
His prestige was gone ; this was the end of his exploring 
and fighting. The rest of his life he passed in voyaging 
between France and Canada and in trying to infuse vigor 
into the barren and inert post at Quebec. 

French interest in Canada was bound up with the fur 
trade, and Quebec was merely a permanent trading post. 
Commerce in those days was greatly hampered by royal 
grants of exclusive privileges, and French commerce in 
particular was closely bound. Owing to the eccentricities 
of the French government, monopolies which were de- 
pendent upon it were apt to be temporary in their nature. 

iCf.Parkman 'a Pioneers, 394 and fol.; 1898); Winsor's Cartier to Frontenac, 
C. W. Butterfield's History of Brute's Index, under Brute. 
Discoveries and Explorations (Cleveland. 

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No one, who held for a brief and indefinite time the ex- 
clusive right to the Canadian fur trade, could be expected 
to invest much money in making a permanent settlement 
at Quebec. The capitalists kept the garrison supplied 
with food, but steadily refused to lay out money for en- 
largements or for repairs, except such as were absolutely 
necessary. In 1627 Richelieu was the ruling power in 
France. He put an end to the existing monopoly and 
formed a new company, with himself at its head and 
Champlain as his leading assistant. This new body was 
called The Hundred Associates. As long as Richelieu 
lived and maintained his place, it held the monopoly 
firmly in its grasp. The new enterprise was exclusively 
Roman Catholic; in the future not a Huguenot was to 
visit New France. 

The year 1628 marked the beginning of a war between 
England and France. English privateers thought that the 
French fur traders and their belongings would be valuable 
spoil: In their capture Gervaise Kirke and his three sons 
were especially active. 1 In 1629 they sailed to the St. 
Lawrence, plundered the trading station of Tadoussac at 
the mouth of the Saguenay River, captured or destroyed 
the vessels bearing the year's supplies to the garrison at 
Quebec, and returned rich with booty to England. The 
Englishmen had made a happy voyage ; but the following 
winter was marked by fearful suffering at Quebec. Only 
one family at the post had cultivated enough soil to sup- 
ply food for its own necessities. The rest of the people 
were fed from France and this year the food did not 
arrive. The inhabitants managed to exist on acorns and 

1 Original material on Kirke's voy- of State Papers, America and West In- 

ages is in Royal Historical Manuscripts dies, 1674-1674. See H. P. Biggar's Early 

Commission's Reports, xii, Appendix, Trading Companies of New France, chs. 

pt. i, 374, 376, 377, and in Calendar yiii and ix. 

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roots and such game and fish as they could procure. 
When the returning Englishmen arrived off Quebec in 
1629 they were cordially welcomed, and New France 
passed into the power of Charles I. The English king 
did not appreciate the opportunity this conquest gave 
him, and returned Canada and Acadia to France. 1 The 
consideration for this was an installment of Henrietta- 
Maria's dowry, which Mr. Parkman estimated as worth 
about a quarter of a million dollars in our money. Few 
events in English history led to more disastrous conse- 
quence than the marriage of Charles I to the daughter of 
Henry IV. It was even more disastrous to America ; for 
this restoration of the French possessions made possible 
the series of wars and massacres which form the most 
dreary and heartrending tale of woe in our annals. 

New France next became a Jesuit colony. The concep- 
tion of the French Jesuits was a grand one. It was no 
less than the conversion to Christianity of the North 
American Indians and their rescue from the torments of 
hell. It was an heroic task and had heroes commensurate 
with its greatness ; in martyrology, few names stand more 
conspicuous than those of Brebeuf, Gamier, and Jogues. 2 
But Christianity and Indian strength did not thrive to- 
gether. Conversion saved the aboriginal soul in the next 
world; it weakened mind and body in this. Burning 
with fierce, savage enmity, not counting the numbers of 
their enemy, their resources, or their allies, the Iroquois 

i The text of the treaty of St. Ger- Transactions, Second 8eries, vii, 174) ; 

main-en-Laye of 1632 is in Mimoires de Murdoch's Nova Scotia, i, 88, and many 

Commissarires, 12mo edition, 1755, ii, 5 ; other places. Dr. Ganong's article is 

important papers relating to the negotia- especially valuable for its topographical 

tions are in Nicolas Denys' Description discussions. 

Oeographique et Bistorique dcs Costes * An interesting paper on the " Scenes 

de VAmerique Septentrionale, i, 238; of the Huron Missions," by James J. 

Ganong's article on " Boundaries of New Dunn, is in AmericanCatholic Researches, 

Brunswick " (Royal Society of Canada's v, 105. 

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waged relentless war on the French Indians and the 
missionaries. They drove the Hurons from their home 
by the Great Lakes, they followed them in their flight 
and attacked the scanty remnant of that once great tribe 
in its place of refuge, the Island of Orleans, within sight 
of Quebec. They even pursued their quarry into the 
streets of the seat of government of New France, and 
killed them wheresoever they caught them. As the sup- 
ply of Huron victims grew scanty, they took to torturing, 
roasting, and killing the white missionaries, settlers, and 

In 1660, at the end of this period, there were not more than 
three thousand white settlers in New France and Acadia 
put together. A new chapter in the history of French 
colonization began when Louis XIV interested himself 
in the fortunes of New France. Soldiers were sent to 
Canada, and the Iroquois were forced to accept peace. 
The soldiers were then disbanded, turned into semipeace- 
ful settlers, and tied to the soil with wives provided by 
the paternal care of the king and Colbert, his minister. 

Frenchmen occupied the cold and barren country of the 
North, barren in colonial days except for animals wearing 
valuable skins. Spaniards seized upon the subtropical 
land of Florida as a guardhouse for a trade route and 
not as a colony. Between Port Royal on the north and 
St. Augustine on the south were thousands of miles of 
rocky and sandy shore. Extending from the thirtieth to 
the forty-fifth parallels of latitude, this region had various 
climates and was suited to the production of many com- 
modities, from the rice of the low-lying tracts adjoining 
Florida to the ice of northern New England. Throughout 
its length, Indian corn, or maize — the settler's best crop 
— throve with marvelous return for the care bestowed 

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upon it. Everywhere superb harbors, splendid rivers, and 
extensive sounds, welcomed the ocean-going emigrant sail- 
ing ship. Nowhere on the surface of the earth was there 
a region better fitted for European colonization. French- 
men and Spaniards passed it by, as it offered slight hope 
of present gain. A higher power reserved it for the 
slower, more patient Englishman and his kinsfolk from 
Northern Europe. These came with their wives, their 
children, and their simple household belongings. They 
were a homely people. About them lingers none of the 
romance of the forest which distinguishes the French mis- 
sionary and the coureur de hois. About them there is 
none of the bloody splendor of De Soto or the Spanish 
conquistadore*. They were plain English, Dutch, or Swed- 
ish folk. Their mission was to plant a nation in the 
New World. 

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I. Verrazano. — Our knowledge of the Verrazano voyage rests on 
two documents which are known respectively as the Verrazano 
Letter and the Verrazano Map. The letter purports to have been 
written on July 8, 1524, by the navigator himself, and exists in two 
versions, both in Italian. The map was made by the navigator's 
brother, Hieronimo, about 1529. On this map the coast line between 
Florida and Labrador is traced, not very accurately, and it bears 
an inscription stating that it was discovered "by Giovanni di 
Verrazano, of Florence, by the order and command of the Most 
Christian King of France." The Maiollo Map of 1527 has much 
the same general outline, and labels the coast " Franceses*" 

The first serious attack on the Verrazano voyage was made by 
Buckingham Smith at a meeting of the New York Historical Society 
in October, 1864. Smith's chief follower was Henry C. Murphy, 
whose Voyage of Verrazzano was published in 1875. On behalf of 
Verrazano the most effective works are B. F. de Costa's Verrazano 
the Explorer, and Signor Desimoni's essay in the publications of the 
Soci&ta Ligure di Storia Patria. The letter is printed in nearly all 
the Verrazano books, and in the New York Historical Society's Col- 
lections, Second Series, i, and Asher's Henry Hudson. The map has 
been often reproduced ; the facsimile in De Costa's Verrazano is the 
best for students, and Winsor (America, iv) gives reproductions of 
this and other maps of the same period which are large enough for 
ordinary use. The most interesting feature of the Verrazano Map 
is what is known as the Sea of Verrazano, a great bay of the Pacific, 
which almost reaches the Atlantic coast in the vicinity of Chesa- 
peake and Delaware bays. John Fiske, in his good-natured way, 
makes out the best case he can for Verrazano, and even suggests the 
exact spot where that navigator may have seen the sea which bears 
his name (Dutch and Quaker Colonies, i, 58). 

George Dexter has summarized the arguments for and against this 
voyage, with abundant references and critical comment, in Winsor's 
America, iv, 19-28. In a note to his Pioneers (i, 231 note), Park- 
man gives the titles of the more important works on the subject, 
and says, "A careful examination of these various writings con- 
vinces me that the evidence in favor of the voyage of Verrazzano 

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is far stronger than the evidence against it," — a statement with 
which the best modern students agree. 

II. Jacques Cartier. — Our knowledge of the First Voyage rests 
mainly on the Relation Originate du Voyage de Jacques Cartier au 
Canada en 1534. This exists in several forms which are substan- 
tially similar. The Second Voyage is described in a document gen- 
erally cited as the Brief Recti, & succincte narration, de la navigation 
faicte es ysles de Canada, HocJielage & Saguenay, etc. For the other 
voyages our knowledge is based on what is given in Hakluyt. In 
1843, the Soci£t6 Litt^raire et Historique de Quebec published a 
volume entitled Voyages de Decouverte au Canada, 1534-42, which 
contains the Cartier narratives in French in convenient form. For 
translations Hakluyt gives the earliest English rendering. Hiram 
B. Stephens, in a book entitled Jacques Cartier and his Four Voyages 
to Canada, gives modern English translations, and Joseph Pope 
(Jacques Cartier, His Life and Voyages) embodies in the text im- 
portant extracts. In French, the memoirs of Cartier by Longrais 
and N. E. Dionne deserve mention. The two narratives mentioned 
above are sometimes ascribed to Cartier, especially the first one, but 
there is no direct proof that they are his work, or, indeed, that they 
were written by one of his companions. Further references in great 
abundance will be found in Winsor's America, iv, 62-68, and in 
his Cartier to Frontenac ; see also H. P. Biggar's Early Trading 
Companies of New France, Appendix. 

Much interest has been aroused over the question of Cartier's 
route. This has been treated at great length by W. F. Ganong in 
the Royal Society of Canada's Transactions, v, section ii, 121, and 
ibid., vii, 17-68, and by Bishop Howley of West Newfoundland in 
ibid., xii, section ii, 151. Harrisse also has something to say on the 
subject in his Terre-Neuve, 136 and fol. 

in. The French in Florida. — Francis Parkman, in his Pioneers 
of France in the New World, has placed in enduring English prose 
the leading facts regarding this ill-fated venture, — the general 
reader need go no farther. The French view is set forth in Paul 
GaffareVs Histoire de la Floride Francaise (Paris, 1875), which also 
contains a valuable appendix of documents. In a Prefatory Note to 
his later editions, Parkman has enumerated the sources ; they are 
also given by Dr. Shea in Winsor's America, ii, 292-298. Only the 
most accessible will be mentioned here. The exploring expedition 
of Ribaut in 1562 is narrated in HakluyVs Divers Voyages (reprinted 

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by the Hakluyt Society, and by French in his Historical Collections 
of Louisiana and Florida, ii). Basanier*s UHistoire Notable de la 
Floride (Paris, 1586) includes narratives of the years 1562, 1564, 
1565. This was translated by Hakluyt as the Notable History, and 
was also included in the third volume of his Principal Navigations 
(reprinted by French in his Historical Collections of Louisiana and 
Florida, i). Nicolas le Challeuz, one of those who escaped, wrote a 
Discours de Vhistoire de la Floride (Dieppe, 1566, and other editions) 
which is included in Ternaux-Compans's Florida volume. The 
above are from the standpoint of the French colonists ; the Spanish 
side is set forth in Eugenio Ruidiaz y Caravia's La Florida: su 
Conquista y Colonizacidn por Pedro Mentndez de Avites (Madrid, 
1893). This contains Gonzalo Solis de Mer&'s Jornadas de Pedro 
Mentndez de Avites (vol. i, the author was the conqueror's brother- 
in-law), the Relacion hecha por el CapeUdn de armada Francisco 
Lopez de Mendoza, and other narratives. More important than 
these are the letters or dispatches to the king written by Menendez 
at the time and printed in volume ii ; many of these are in English 
in the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Second 
Series, viii, 416-468. See also Andres Gonzales Baroia's Ensayo 
Cronologico para la historia general de la Florida. Dr. Gilmary 
Shea's account in the second volume of Winsor's America is also 
noteworthy as coming from a Soman Catholic and a scholar who 
was deeply versed in the Spanish sources; he has also treated this 
subject in his Catholic Church in America, i, 133-141. Ruidiaz y 
Caravia's La Florida: su Conquista y Colonizacidn (appendix to voL 
ii) contains a list of papers and manuscripts on ancient Florida. 

IV. The Words of Philip II. — These words are copied from a 
manuscript volume in the Cabinet of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society: — 

Decreto 1 *Esto serd, bien escribir luego & este Chbernador, y ct 
del Rey. J Pero Menendez lo que serd bien que haga de los que ha 
tornado vivos trayendolos alii al Vemo l si tubiere en qui, y le pareciere 
saguro ; d enviandolos para que oca lo anden en las Galeras ; y esto & 
los que ofrecid la vida, que de los demos muy bien hace en hacer 

On the margin the first transcriber has written : — 

* Todo lo rayado esti en el origin 1 de letra del mismo Rey Ph*. 2°. 

i This word the translator has read " Remo." 
vol. i. — I 

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The following literal translation of the king's words is taken from 
the Massachusetts Historical Society's Proceedings, Second Series, 
viii, 459: — 

"The King's Order. 

" It will be well to write immediately to this Governor and to Pero 
Menendez, that it will be well that he shall put those whom he has 
taken alive to the oar, if he can, and it seems to him to be safe ; or 
else send them here to go to the gallies. This as regards those to 
whom he offered their lives; as to the rest he does very well in 
executing justice upon them." 

V. Champlain. — The best edition of Champlain's writings is 
that by Laverdiire (6 vols., 4to, second edition, Quebec, 1870 ; the 
first edition was destroyed by fire) ; the most complete translation 
into English is that published by the Prince Society, the transla- 
tion by C. P. Otis and the editorial work by Edmund F. Slafter. 
Gabriel Gravier's Vie de Samuel Champlain (Paris, 1900) is based on 
the best material. The Memoir prefixed to Slafter's Champlain is 
very full and the volumes contain facsimiles of Champlain's original 
drawings. Most readers, however, will be content with the lively 
and scholarly account by Parkman in his Pioneers of France. Slafter, 
in Winsor's America, iv, 130-134, gives the bibliography of the several 
pieces which go to make up the collective edition of Champlain's 
works. Attempts have been made to identify Champlain's route 
in 1615 by Laverdi&re in his monumental edition of Champlain's 
(Euvres and by 0. H. Marshall in the first number of the Magazine 
of the American History. 

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John Cabot's discovery * gave Englishmen the right to 
occupy large portions of North America; but it stimu- 
lated them to no great effort like that which Spain 
saw in the years following the return of Columbus. 
In 1497 Englishmen were setting their affairs to rights 
after the long Wars of the Roses; before this task was 
accomplished the Reformation gave them other things to 
think about than arduous and doubtful voyages to un- 
known lands, — there was excitement enough at home. 
From this condition of inactivity Hawkins and Drake 
rudely aroused their countrymen; they prepared their 
minds for great enterprises and wrested sea power from 
Spain. To English sixteenth-century seamen Great Brit- 
ain owes her colonial empire and the United States its 

Three Hawkinses appear in the history of English mari- 
time enterprise. Of these the first was William Hawkins 
of Plymouth in Devonshire. He made three voyages to 
the coasts of Guinea and Brazil, and served Plymouth as 
its mayor and its representative in the House of Commons. 
He is generally regarded as the beginner of England's com- 
mercial expansion. His son, John Hawkins, early learned 
the lore of the sea and studied the commercial habits and 
needs of the Spaniards and Portuguese. It occurred to 

1 For a discussion of the general sab- covery " in Ohio Archmological and HU- 
ject, see B. A. Hinsdale's " Bight of Dis- torical Quarterly, December, 1888. 


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the younger man that money might be made from the 
acquisition of negroes on the African coasts, their trans- 
port to America, and their sale to the Spanish planters, 
who were always eager for laborers, whether they were 
white, red, or black. 

The enslavement of the negro dates back to remote 
antiquity. American slavery began with Columbus, pos- 
sibly because he was the first European who had a chance 
to introduce it; and negroes were brought to the New 
World at the suggestion of the saintly Las Casas to allevi- 
ate the lot of the unhappy and fast disappearing red man. 
Hawkins was in no sense the father of the slave trade, 
and it is not at all likely that he was the first illegal slave 
trader to Spanish America. We happen to know so much 
about Hawkins and his doings simply because his later 
career induced people to note down and preserve every- 
thing concerning him who became one of the greatest sea- 
men of his day. 

Of all the contradictions of history one that impresses 
the student is the constant and sincere religious fervor of 
the men with whom he comes into contact whose actions 
otherwise are often not commendable according to pres- 
ent day rules of conduct The Spanish Menendez honestly 
believed that when he slaughtered fettered captives it was 
" for the glory of God." The English Hawkins was equally 
pious ; on his second slave-trading voyage his flagship was 
The Jesus. He ordered his crews "to serve God daily" 
and " to love one another." Francis Drake, the greatest sea 
fighter and plunderer of his day, commended his lieutenant 
to " the tuition of Him that with His blood redeemed us." 
Nor were these expressions of piety confined to the leaders 
of great undertakings ; the humble chronicler of Hawkins's 
second and most profitable slave-trading voyage concludes 

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his tale with: "His name therefore be praised for ever- 
more. Amen." l The standards of those days were not the 
standards of our day, and the standards of three hundred 
years hence will doubtless be unlike those of our time. 

In the sixteenth century and the first part of the seven- 
teenth one code of morals prevailed in Europe, and a very 
different one held sway " beyond the line." The explana- 
tion is that the Spaniards and the Portuguese had grasped 
the whole New World without consulting their fellow- 
Christians. Englishmen and Frenchmen and, a little later, 
Dutchmen denied this preposterous claim. They paid no 
attention to Spanish regulations in America; they hesi- 
tated not at all to attack Spaniards in America in time of 
full peace in Europe. On their side, the Spaniards assailed 
the French and English colonists, and killed them when- 
ever they had the power. It is no hard matter to stigma- 
tize as a pirate a man who died three hundred years ago. 
Drake's great voyage to the Pacific has been termed a 
piratical cruise, partly on the ground that he had no com- 
mission, which may or may not have been the case. One 
thing, however, is certain, his voyage was approved of by 
a great nation and by one of the greatest monarchs who 
ever occupied a throne. Elizabeth may not have given 
Drake a regular commission; she certainly was directly 
and financially interested in the success of the voyage, and 
protected its leader after his return to England. In this 
connection one further point may be made. In Elizabeth's 
time the word " pirate " had no such deep significance as it 
has at the present day. 9 He was a pirate who attacked in 
European waters a vessel of a power with which England 
was at peace. The duty of the government to stop that 

i Hakluyt'a Voyages, ill, 621. * AcU of the Privy Council, April 29, 


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practice was fully recognized ; the investigation and pun- 
ishment of piracies formed one of the regular duties of the 
Council. The question as to what should be done in the 
case of voyages like those of Hawkins and Drake was 
always one of expediency and not of legality; a deed 
which would have met with condign punishment if per- 
petrated in European waters was looked upon as meri- 
torious if it took place on the Spanish Main and did not 
bring on war with Spain. 

John Hawkins 1 sailed for Africa on his first slave-trad- 
ing voyage in October, 1562. Partly by purchase from 
the natives of the coast and partly by other means he 
secured about three hundred negroes, whom he exchanged 
in Hispaniola for pearls, hides, and other products of the 
Indies. With these he filled his own vessels and two 
cargo ships, or "hulks," as they were called. With a 
childlike confidence in his own innocence and in the jus- 
tice of the Spaniards, he sent the hulks to Spain. The 
Spanish authorities confiscated them and their cargoes, 
and began that conflict with John Hawkins and his com- 
rades which in the end terminated in the destruction of 
the " felicisima Armada." 

Hawkins's second voyage occupied portions of the years 
1564-65. His traffic in the Indies did not proceed as 
smoothly as it had before, because the authorities had 
received stringent orders from Spain to prohibit trade 
with foreigners. They would not permit Hawkins to sell 
even his lean and hungry slaves unless he first paid an 
impost of thirty ducats. This sum he thought was too 
high; he sent one hundred armed men to the market- 
place, and all things were speedily arranged "to his 
content." From this time on his voyage proceeded pros- 

i Note I. 

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perously. In September, 1565, his fleet sailed into the 
harbor of Padstow in Cornwall, laden with valuable com- 
modities, among which were " gold, silver, pearls, and other 
jewels great store." l 

The third voyage (1567-68) was disastrous in its end- 
ing; for Philip II sent a strong fleet across the Atlantic 
to make sure that Spanish officials and English slave 
traders obeyed the laws of Spain. Hawkins was found 
"sheltering himself " in the port of Vera Cruz on the 
Mexican coast. He could have kept the Spaniards out, 
because he had taken the precaution to occupy the de- 
fenses of the harbor ; but for the last time in his life he 
trusted the word of a Spaniard. Regardless of their 
pledges they set upon the English and killed hundreds of 
them and destroyed or captured all but two of their ves- 
sels. In one of these, Hawkins made his escape out of 
the harbor; in the other, his young kinsman, Francis 
Drake, followed on. 

Hawkins and Drake appear to have regarded this attack 
in the light of a personal affront; they devoted the re- 
mainder of their lives largely to revenge. On his part, 
Hawkins made ready the royal navy to dispute the suprem- 
acy of the sea with the armadas of Spain ; while Drake, 
by his onslaughts on the Spanish colonies, diminished the 
resources of Philip II and at the same time repaid himself 
for the losses at Vera Cruz. Before long, the West Indies 
and the Spanish Main came to be so securely guarded that 
an English expedition could not with impunity put a town 
to ransom. A bold design came into Drake's mind, — to 
sail through Magellan Strait and sweep up all the loose 
treasure on the west coast of America. 

With one hundred and fifty men and boys in five vessels, 

1 Hawkins 1 Voyages, 64. 

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Francis Drake sailed forth to attack an empire and to 
sail over seas that no English keel had ever known. 1 Dis- 
affection, mutiny, hardship, and cowardice deprived him 
of men and ships until (1578) he found himself in the 
Pacific Ocean with a single vessel, the Pelican, which he 
himself commanded. Gales drove him southward until 
he reached " the utmost island of Terra Incognita," where 
the Atlantic Ocean and the South Sea "meet in a most 
large and free scope." From this stormy region, with 
much difficulty and danger, the Pelican made her way 
northward, searching vainly for her consorts. 

Valparaiso was the first port which rewarded the ad- 
venturers for the sufferings and dangers they had under- 
gone ; for at that place they seized « a certain quantity " — 
in reality a most uncertain quantity — of fine gold of Bal- 
divia. Farther north, at Tarapaca, going ashore for water, 
they " lighted on a Spaniard who lay asleep, and had lying 
by him thirteen bars of silver." " We took the silver and 
left the man," so wrote the chronicler of the voyage. Pro- 
ceeding profitably northward, the adventurers learned that 
the Cacafuego, the treasure ship of the Mar del Sur, had 
sailed from Lima for Panama only fourteen days earlier, 
— but what was fourteen days' start to an Elizabethan 
ship ! Now the Pelican spread her wings in earnest and 
in due season ranged alongside of the Spaniard. In a 
moment, the galleon's mizzenmast went overboard, and 
Francis Drake had a Spanish treasure ship at his mercy ; 
but what she contained will never be known. We read 
of " a certain quantity of jewels and precious stones, thir- 
teen chests of ryals of plate, eighty pound weight of gold, 
twenty-six tons of uncoined silver, etc." Her cargo was 
large enough to require a week for its transfer from the 

i See Note II. 

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Cacafuego to the English ship. Drake gave the Spanish 
master the latest European news, a safe-conduct to protect 
him from the missing English ships, a little linen and 
some food, and let him go. Thinking himself now "suf- 
ficiently satisfied and revenged, and supposing that Her 
Majesty, at his return, would rest satisfied with this 
service," the Englishman sailed for home. 

Drake first steered northward along the coast to the 
forty-eighth parallel, searching for a passage to the east 
through America. At the farthest northern point, the 
cold was keen, even in the month of June, and no opening 
appeared. So he retraced his course and came to anchor 
in a harbor in latitude 38° 3(K according to his observa- 
tions. At this port the ship was careened and refitted for 
her long voyage to distant England. What harbor this 
was, has long been a matter of controversy. Many writers 
have argued that it was San Francisco Bay; but this is 
impossible, for there is not the slightest hint in the narra- 
tives that have come down to us of the wonderful scenery 
of that region. The general opinion among students is 
that Drake's anchorage was in a small harbor not far 
from the entrance to the Golden Gate. 1 Drake called the 
country New Albion « for two causes ; the one in respect 
of the white banks and cliffs, which lie toward the sea ; 
the other that it might have some affinity even in name 
also, with our own country, which was sometimes so 

With a clean hull and new rigging the Petican, sped 
westward from New Albion to Plymouth, England, by way 
of the Cape of Good Hope. Stopping at the Spice Islands, 
she took on board tons of pepper, much of which was soon 
jettisoned to float the ship off a reef. At this point in his 

1 Cf . American Antiquarian Society's Prooeedfapi, April, 1889, pp. 13 and 78. 

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account, Mr. Fletcher, the chaplain of the expedition, grows 
piously eloquent : " it was therefore motioned," he tells us, 
" and by general voice determined, to commend our case 
to God alone, . . . And that our faith might be better 
strengthened and the comfortable apprehension of God's 
mercy in Christ be more clearly felt, we had a sermon." 
The ship thereupon slid from her rocky perch, assisted by 
a sudden change of wind. Fletcher's prominence on this 
occasion, or something which he had said, seems to have 
angered Drake, for he took an early opportunity to excom- 
municate the chaplain, consigning him " to the divell and 
all his angels" — having first carefully chained the parson 
by one leg to the fore hatch. 

The amount of Drake's spoil was known only to the 
queen and himself, and probably not to them with accuracy. 
The booty was immense, and so was the wrath of the 
Spaniards. With feminine grace Elizabeth yielded to the 
storm and directed the treasure to be fetched overland to 
the Tower. She furthermore ordered that Drake, for a 
brief space, should have sole and unwatched possession of 
the Pelican and that his estimate of the amount of the 
treasure should be accepted without question. Drake and 
his men were doubtless well rewarded for their hardships, 
and Elizabeth was also recompensed for her protection 
of them, as she never paid over to the Spaniards the bulk 
of that which went into the Tower, except in the form of 
powder and cannon balls. As if further to show her appro- 
bation of Drake and his doings, she visited the Pelican 
and knighted him on his quarter-deck. 

While Drake was tracing his dangerous homeward course, 
Sir Humphrey Gilbert was sailing westward * to explore 

* On the date of Gilbert's first voyage, torical Society's Proceedings for Octo- 
see George Dexter in Massachusetts His- ber, 1881. 

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1578, 1583] GILBERT'S VOYAGES 123 

the northeastern shore of America for that waterway 
whose western end Drake had sought in vain. Gilbert 
was the leader of a group of Devonshire men who were 
actively interested in projects of exploration and coloniza- 
tion. In 1578 Elizabeth, by patent, authorized him and 
his heirs and assigns for "inhabiting and planting" to 
discover such remote, heathen, and barbarous lands as were 
not possessed by any Christian prince and " to have, hold, 
occupy and enjoy [such lands] with all commodities, juris- 
dictions and royalties, both by sea and land." * From this 
wording and from other writings it is evident that Gilbert 
and his associates intended to occupy eligible positions on 
the line of the northwest passage to the Pacific, should 
they be so fortunate as to find it. Gilbert sailed in 1578, 
but soon returned to port with " the loss of a tall ship ; 
and more to his grief, of a valiant gentleman named Miles 
Morgan." On a subsequent voyage, in 1583, he gained the 
western side of the Atlantic and "took possession of 
Newfoundland for Elizabeth by right of the discovery of 
John Cabot." He then sailed southward, seeking a site 
for his settlement. Two of his four vessels were speedily 
lost ; with the remaining two he set his course for England 
and himself sailed in the smaller. One night her light 
went out, and Sir Humphrey Gilbert* was never heard 
from more : — 

* Hakluyt's Voyages (edition of 1810), which led to Gilbert's disastrous return, 

iii, 174. was Cape Breton Island, on or near the 

The Prince 8oclety has issued a shores of Loulsburg harbor, and not 

volume entitled Sir Humphrey Oylberte Sable Island as has usually been sup- 

and hie enterprise of colonization in posed. 

America, edited by Carlos Slafter. It * This famous incident was related by 

contains the patent, the " Hakluy t Nar- Edward Hayes, one of the survivors on 

ratives," many letters never before the larger vessel, to Hakluyt, and by him 

printed, and a memoir by the editor. printed (Voyages, ed. 1600, iii, 159); it 

The Rev. George Patterson (Royal will be noticed that Hakluy t's informant 

Society of Canada's Transactions, Second said "a book" not "the book" as 

8eries, iii, section ii, 113) maintains that Longfellow described him : — 
the scene of the shipwreck of the Delight, " Monday the ninth of September, in 

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" He sat upon the deck, 

The Book was in his hand ; 
' Do not fear ! Heaven is as near/ 
He said, 'by water as by land!* " 

Adrian Gilbert, brother of Sir Humphrey, and their 
half-brother, Walter Ralegh, succeeded to the dead ex- 
plorer's rights. Walter Ralegh's astounding rise 1 in the 
favor of Elizabeth is no less certain than its history is 
doubtful ; it assumed the tangible form of grants of 
estates seized from the Church and from so-called Irish 
rebels. In 1584 Elizabeth granted him a charter which 
confirmed to him, without limit of time, the powers that 
Gilbert had had. 2 

In May, 1584, two vessels sailed from England for 
America. They were fitted out by Ralegh, and were 
commanded by Philip Amadas and Arthur Barlowe. 8 
Steering by way of the Canary Islands and the West 
Indies, it was July before they reached the mainland. 
Proceeding northward, they entered Pamlico Sound, " took 
possession" of the country, explored the neighborhood, 
and discovered Roanoke Island. They met many Indians 
— kings and brothers of kings, as well as those of humbler 

the afternoon, the frigate [the Swallow, charter was confirmed by Act of Parlia- 

on which was Gilbert] was near cast ment, bat no evidence of this has been 

away, oppressed by waves, yet at that adduced. A draught of a bill for this 

time recovered: and giving forth signs purpose is calendared in Royal Historical 

of joy, the General [Gilbert] sitting Manuscripts Commission's Reports, iii, 

abaft with a book in his hand, cried out p. 5. The *' Journals " of the Lords and 

unto us in the Hind (so oft as we did of the Commons show that the bill passed 

approach within hearing) We are as near the lower House, and was lost in the Lords 

to heaven by sea as by land. Reiterating owing to a sudden adjournment (Jour- 

the same speech, well beseeming a sol- nals of the Lords, ii, 76»). Mr. Hugh E. 

dier, resolute in Jesus Christ, as I can Egerton writes me that no act for this 

testify he was." purpose is mentioned in the list of the 

* It is told from Fuller's Worthies imprinted statutes. It is possible that 
(ed. 1662, 261), in Scott's Kenilworth, it was passed, and that all reference to 
which is fully as reliable as many of the it was excised from the records at the 
biographies of Ralegh, and vastly more time of Ralegh's attainder, 
interesting. • On the Ralegh expeditions, see Note 

* It is sometimes stated that Ralegh's III. 

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clay. The king's brother had on his head a broad plate of 
gold or copper ; but which it was they could not tell, as, 
with a modesty unusual in Elizabethan seamen, they did 
not seize the savage and make a closer investigation. Per- 
haps it was on account of this excessive modesty on their 
part that the natives seemed to them to be " most gentle, 
loving, and faithful, void of all guile and treason, and such 
as live after the manner of the golden age." The sandy 
soil of the seashore of North Carolina appeared to the 
explorers to be fully up to the standard of its inhabitants, 
as it was " the most plentiful, sweet, fruitful, and whole- 
some of all the world." After a brief stay of two months, 
the expedition returned to England. 

The explorers' glowing reports aroused great enthusi- 
asm in England. Elizabeth permitted the new land to 
be named Virginia in her honor, and she knighted Ralegh 
for what Amadas and Barlowe had written — which 
probably had been carefully edited by the would-be 
knight. On his part, Ralegh had a new seal cut, on 
which he was denominated « Lord and Governor of Vir- 
ginia," and set on foot a new expedition for a more care- 
ful exploration. 

The commander of this second fleet was Sir Richard 
Grenville. Years later he won imperishable renown in 
command of the Revenge in her fight with fifty-three 
Spanish ships. He was a thoroughgoing Elizabethan sea- 
man of the most ungovernable type, and possessed of 
"intolerable pride and insatiable ambition," according to 
one who had served with him. He had already been 
before the Council on charges of piracy, and the purpose 
of the present expedition was mainly plunder, with ex- 
ploration distinctly of secondary importance. With Gren- 
ville went Cavendish, the third circumnavigator of the 

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globe, who died at the early age of twenty-nine, after a 
career of plundering and sailing which was surpassed only 
by that of Sir Francis Drake. The party which was to 
explore Virginia was commanded by Ralph Lane, a man 
of reputation, but not of the stuff from which pioneers are 

The fleet reached Porto Rico in May, 1585, and anchored 
in an unoccupied harbor. Going ashore, the adventurers 
erected a fort and began the construction of a pinnace from 
timber which they cut in the neighboring forest. Spanish 
horsemen appeared erelong. They viewed these proceed- 
ings from a safe distance and made off, when a party of 
footmen was sent against them. Later on, a stronger band 
of Spaniards ventured to expostulate with the newcomers 
about their " fortifying in their country " and refused to 
sell them supplies. In reply, the Englishmen set fire to 
the woods which surrounded the harbor and sailed away. 
Grenville next proceeded to Hispaniola. On the pas- 
sage, he captured a couple of Spanish vessels laden with 
goods and "divers Spaniards of account." The latter 
bought their freedom with generous ransoms, and the 
captured articles were exchanged for supplies at San 
Domingo, somewhat against the will of the inhabitants 
of that town, who may have recognized the goods. Mean- 
time, Lane with one of the vessels visited a port on the 
southern side of the island and seized a cargo of salt, 
while the Spanish owners stood helplessly by. 

On June 20 the English fleet reached the coast of Florida 
and three days later nearly ran ashore in the vicinity of 
Cape Fear. Leaving Lane with one hundred men on 
Roanoke Island, Grenville sailed for home, capturing on 
the way a rich prize which probably paid the expenses 
of the voyage. The exploring party planted a few seeds 

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and made sundry expeditions into the amphibious coastal 
region of North Carolina. On one of these they narrowly 
missed finding Chesapeake Bay. 1 Most of the time, how- 
ever, seems to have been passed in a hopeless search for 
food. Grenville could spare scant store of provisions, 
and Lane wrote on the eve of the former's departure 
that provisions already were short, but that God "will 
command even the ravens to feed us." * He did not await 
this somewhat precarious mode of supply, but ordered the 
Indians to feed himself and his men. The natives at once 
forgot the " manners of the golden age " ; they stole from 
the whites and prepared for a general massacre. Lane 
forestalled them in this, and by killing a number of the 
savages averted danger for the time. 

Eight days after this event, Sir Francis Drake, fresh from 
the ransom of Cartagena, anchored off the coast. On his 
way north he had visited St. Augustine, destroyed the 
settlement at that place, and seized coin to the value of two 
thousand pounds sterling; but the Spaniards made off to 
the woods with such speed that none of them were 
captured. 8 Seeing the explorers' plight, he offered to take 
them back to England or to leave with them a vessel fully 
provisioned for the return voyage. A sudden storm sent 
the relief ship to the bottom. Drake had no other ship of 
suitable size, but said that, if Lane insisted on remaining, 

1 For a learned attempt to identity taken the cities of Saint Jago, 8anto 

localities, see Hawks 's North Carolina, Domingo, Cartagena, and the town of 

i, 72. Saint Angustine in Florida. 1589. Pnbl. 

* Calendars of State Papers, America by Mr. Thomas Cates." This is now 
and West Indies, 1614-1660, p. 3, also in very rare ; Haklnyt has included the 
Arehsoologia Americana, iv, 12. There substance of it in his Voyages (ed. 1600, 
are other letters from Lane in the same Hi, 534-548). The account of the destruc- 
volume which are written in a tone of tion of St. Augustine is on pp. 546-548. 
complaint against Grenville. A Spanish version of the Florida part of 

• 8ee "ASummarie and true discourse the story is in Barcia's Ensayo Crono- 
of Sir Francis Drakes West Indian Voy- logica (Madrid, 1723), under date of 1586. 
age begun in the year 1585, wherein were 

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one of his larger vessels should cruise off the coast until 
the explorers were ready to depart and then carry them 
home. But there was so much that was uncertain in 
this plan that Lane and his men embarked on Drake's 
fleet and reached England after a speedy passage of little 
more than a month. 

The low shore of Virginia had hardly faded from the 
eyes of Lane and his men when a supply ship anchored off 
the coast, followed a fortnight later by Sir Richard Gren- 
ville himself, with provisions and recruits. Leaving fifteen 
men at the deserted post on Roanoke Island, he sailed for 
the West Indies where he extracted from the Spaniards 
the expenses of the expedition with added interest. A 
company of "Associates" was now formed, but under 
Ralegh's charter. Some of these associates were English 
capitalists who supplied the needed money ; others came 
to Virginia as colonists. The story of their expedition is 
one of the tragedies of American history. Unfortunately, 
our knowledge of it rests almost entirely upon the testi- 
mony of its leader, John White ; x what credence can be 
given to his evidence can best be gathered from the fol- 
lowing summary of the narrative which has come down 
to us. 

It was in May, 1587, that three vessels with men, 
women, and children sailed from Plymouth, England, for 
Virginia. No seaman was in chief command, and White 
was a landsman. It fell out, therefore, that he necessarily 
trusted the good faith and knowledge of the navigator, a 
Portuguese sailor, Simon Ferdinando, who had acted in 
that capacity for Grenville. The plan seems to have been 

1 John White was with Lane and drew have never been reproduced. See E. 

the well-known pictures of native life. E. Hale in Archmologia Americana, 

The original drawings are in the British iv, 21. 
Museum; nearly seventy-five of them 

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1587] THE LOST COLONY 129 

to seek out Chesapeake Bay, of which Lane had heard, 
although he had not seen it. On the way thither the 
expedition first visited Roanoke Island, to take on board 
the men whom Grenville had left there. These could 
not be found, but Simon Ferdinando, if we may believe 
White, induced the sailors to refuse to reembark those 
of the colonists who had already landed at Roanoke. 
The result was that all the settlers were set ashore at 
that place. White, the governor, went back to England 
with the home-going vessels to hurry forward supplies, 
for the colonists already seem to have been short of food. 
He left his daughter, his infant granddaughter, and his 
household effects at Roanoke as an earnest of his early 
return, and carried with him a certificate signed by the 
leading men to the effect that his going to England was 

When White reached home Ralegh, even in the face 
of the coming Spanish Armada, 1 secured permission for 
two ships to sail for Virginia ; but these vessels were so 
roughly handled by pirates at Madeira that they returned 
to England. In 1589 Ralegh made another assignment of 
his rights to a band of associates which included the 
colonists already in Virginia, through their attorneys in 
England, and merchants living in the home land. The 
history of Virginia in the years 1589-1605 is still vague 
and uncertain ; but among the stockholders in this 
company of 1589, whether they were interested in the 
earlier enterprise or not, were several men who became 
prominent in the history of the later Virginia Company. 
Of these Richard Hakluyt was one, and it is not unlikely 
that the Thomas Smythe of 1589 and the treasurer of the 
later Virginia Company were one and the same person, 

i Hume's Ralegh, 94. 
vol. i. — K 

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although it is possible that one was the father, the other 
the son. 1 

It was 1591 before John White again visited Roanoke 
Island. The houses in which he had left his colonists 
were still standing, but they were tenantless. On the 
bark of a tree was cut the word " Croatoan." This was 
the name of an Indian tribe which lived at the other 
extremity of Pamlico Sound and was friendly, possibly 
because of the distance from Roanoke Island. White 
could not visit Croatoan because the commanders of the 
fleet which had brought him to Virginia were eager to 
get at the Spaniards. From that time to this the fate of 
« the lost colony " has been a fruitful theme for conjecture. 
The Jamestown settlers understood the Indians to say 
that the Roanoke people had been slaughtered by order of 
Powhatan. The more probable story is that they were 
befriended and assimilated by the Indians of Croatoan. 2 
Even now it is not impossible that some of their descend- 
ants may be living in the Carolina mountains. 

The year 1588, which was so eventful in the case of the 
first English colonists in America, was one of the most 
memorable years in the history of the English race. For 
the United States, it was more than memorable, it was 
vital. The defeat of the Spanish Armada accomplished 
the destruction of the morale of Spanish seamen ; and that 
made possible the founding of Virginia, New England, New 
Netherland, and New Sweden on the Atlantic seashore of 
North America; from these in course of time developed 
the American Nation. 

The people of the sixteenth century had different ideas 
from those which now prevail on commercial and colonial 

1 The statement in Brown's Genesis terially from that in Hawks's North 
(i, 19) as to the " Associates " differs ma- Carolina, i, 196. * See Note III. 

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matters. For Spain, colonists and colonies existed solely for 
the benefit of the mother country and its people. Colonists 
should buy from the mother country alone, paying such 
prices as the monopolizing home-dwellers saw fit to charge ; 
they should also sell only to the home government and 
home merchants at prices which were regulated by the 
purchasers. The natural result of this policy was that the 
Spanish planters in the Indies cordially welcomed Hawkins 
and other illicit traders. Indeed, many of the reported cap- 
tures and ransomings of towns by Drake and other English- 
men were possibly nothing more than carefully veiled illegal 
trade. Owing to their remoteness, it was equally difficult 
for the Spanish government to protect its colonists or to 
compel them to obey the commercial laws of Spain. The 
only way to check the growing commercial activity of Eng- 
lishmen, therefore, was to attack it at its source, and to add 
England to the Spanish empire. This would at once and 
for all time put an end to these assaults on the Spanish colo- 
nial system. Such was the principal cause of the sending 
the Invincible Armada 1 to England. The religious differ- 
ence between the two peoples was entirely secondary. The 
Spaniards seem to have been willing to do what they could 
to meet the religious prejudices of the English, with whom 
they had been close friends for generations. 3 On the Eng- 
lish side, however, there was not the slightest thought of 
conciliation. A third cause which contributed to the 
sending of the Armada was the execution of Mary of 
Scotland, which left Philip II with a good claim to the 

1 The books on the Armada are enu- ton's Introduction. On a preceding page 

merated in Note IV. (xviii) Laughton makes the suggestion 

* See J. R. Seeley's British Policy, that writers have sometimes forgotten 

pt. i, and Laughton's masterly Introduo that " Inquisition means equally the 

tion to the "Armada Papers" (Navy Inquisition and a judicial inquiry: in- 

Becords Society's Publications), The quisidor might be an inquisitor, or a 

wild work Froude sometimes made with magistrate, or, in the armada, the 

the records is noted on p. xxi of Laugh- provost-marshal." 

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English throne, provided the Protestant holder and the 
Protestant heir apparent were passed over. 1 So we may 
say that Philip declared war mainly because the com- 
mercial situation had become intolerable and that to 
this both his religious prejudices and his dynastic hopes 
prompted him. War once begun, like a wise ruler he 
used to their utmost the religious and racial prejudices of 
his people. Before closing this part of the subject, it may 
be well to remember that the estrangement between the 
Spanish and English peoples was only a matter of less 
than half a century ; and it should also be borne in mind 
that Philip II in his earlier years had expressed great 
admiration for Elizabeth Tudor and would gladly have 
made her his wife. On their part, Englishmen had come 
to view Spaniards and Spanish interests and desires with 
a savage contempt that by itself would almost have made 
war inevitable. 2 

Fortunately for England, in this last half century of 
growing estrangement and hatred, the Spaniards had not 
progressed in the art of maritime warfare, while English- 
men had broken loose from the traditions of the past 
and had evolved a new art of war applicable in the 
rough waters which washed the coasts of the British 
Isles. They invented a broadside fighting ship, placed on 
board of her the heaviest and best ordnance then known, 
and supplied her with crews drawn almost entirely from 
the seafaring population of the coast. 8 A fleet of fifty 

1 See Edwards's Ralegh (i, 290) for a until we come to the period of the Glori- 

genealogy which is there reprinted from ous Revolution of 1688. 
a "Book against the King's title/' alleged • The defeat of the Armada was the 

to hare been circulated by Ralegh. " triumph of advanced organization and 

8 Charles Kingsley's Westward Ho 1 science over a maritime system that was 

gives an admirable lifelike picture of dead and service traditions that had sunk 

this religio-political fervor complicated into senility," Julian Gorbett's Drake 

with business and war. There is nothing and the Tudor Navy, i, S66. For details 

resembling it in English history again of ships, see ibid., i, ch. xii ; ii, ch. vi, and 

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ships of this kind encountered a fleet of sixty-two Span- 
ish vessels built on the lines of the Mediterranean sea 
fighter and designed for hand-to-hand conflict in still 
water. There could be only one result, and the failure 
of the Spanish Armada was scarcely doubtful after the 
fleets had been one day in contact. Led by Drake in 
the Bevenge 9 the English line of battle swept to windward 
by the end of the Armada, sending broadsides into the 
windwardmost Spanish ships, to which no effective reply 
could be made. So went on the merry dance up Channel 
until the neighboring shore of France prevented the Eng- 
lish from keeping the weather gauge. Fire ships, heavy 
winds, and strong currents drove the Spaniards through 
the Straits of Dover in grave disorder. Then came the 
seaman's opportunity. Round and round the disordered 
fleet the English vessels sailed, pouring broadside after 
broadside into the helpless Armada until the gunners on 
the Spanish ships fled from their pieces and groveled on 
the decks. 1 Only a sudden squall prevented Gravelines 
from being an earlier Santiago. Northward, the Invincible 
Armada fled and returned to Spain by way of Scotland 
and Ireland, every now and then dropping a vessel in the 
hungry sea or on the desolate shore. In all the Spaniards 
lost sixty-three vessels 2 and eight thousand men, but of 
the vessels lost only eleven were fighting ships, the re- 
mainder being supply vessels, dispatch boats, and the like. 
This loss in fighting ships could be easily repaired with 

Oppenheim's Administration of the Royal powder; all of it was weak and some of 

Navy. On the general question of the it was very poor. Had it been otherwise, 

size of vessels of this period, see Afassa- no sudden change of wind could have 

chusetts Historical Society's Proceedings saved the Armada, 
for 1864, p. 464. * In all one hundred and twenty 

i The English Vanguard fired five nun- Spanish ships entered the Channel, but 

dred rounds from her great guns on this of these only sixty-two were fighting 

occasion. The English government had ships, 
bought up the visible supply of gun- 

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the resources at the command of Philip II ; a new armada 
was speedily built, the individual vessels of which were 
greatly superior as fighting machines to those which had 
entered the English Channel under the command of the 
gallant Medina-Sidonia. The morale of the Spanish sea- 
men, which had been destroyed in this unequal encounter, 
has never been restored. Occasionally, when two or more 
Spanish vessels came across a lonely English ship, they 
attacked her, as was the case with the Margaret amd John, 
while on her way to Virginia in 1620 with colonists and 
supplies. 1 On this occasion, after five or six hours of 
cannonading, the Spaniards, who had certainly three guns 
to the Englishman's one, made off with their scuppers run- 
ning with blood. Usually, however, the Virginia emi- 
grant ships were allowed to sail unmolested among the 
islands of the Indies. 

Once in a while, as for instance in 1609, the Span- 
ish government sought to retaliate upon the Englishmen. 
In that year Captain Francisco Fernandez de Ecija in 
the Asuncion de Christo was ordered to sail to the 
James River, to investigate the English colony there, and 
to attack such English ships as he might fall in with. 
On July 24, at five o'clock in the afternoon, the Spaniards 
entered Chesapeake Bay and the lookout man reported a 
vessel — presumably an English ship — at anchor. Cap- 
tain Ecija and his officers held a council of war and de- 
clared themselves to be most anxious to serve " God our 
Lord and his Majesty, the King." In the night, however, 
the other ship grew in size, and the next morning ap- 
peared to be "long and high." Captain Ecija now dis- 

* Brown's First Republic, 415. More eral History, and an account was printed 
detailed accounts are in Purchases Pit- separately at Amsterdam in the same 
grimes and Captain John Smith's Otn- year. 

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covered that his mast was injured, and, again counseling 
with his officers, decided that "God and his Majesty 
would be best served by our going back," and so back 
he went. 1 

In writing of the destruction of the Armada, Julian 
Corbett compares the English and Spanish ships to rifle 
and blunderbuss. If the Elizabethan Age had produced 
nothing more, its reformation of the offshore sailing ship 
would in itself mark an era. Sir John Hawkins and 
those who worked with him in the reorganization of the 
royal navy had first of all sheared off one or two stories 
from the castles or cageworks which then oppressed the 
ends of the fighting ship. Over the low, middle portion 
of the ship, or the waist, as it is termed, Hawkins placed 
a deck. The result of this process was a high-sided, double- 
decked ship with low ends compared with the vessels of 
the preceding fifty years. The Elizabethan ship was cut 
away underneath at the ends, leaving long overhangs fore 
and aft, something after the manner of the racing yachts 
of our time. 9 On this hull were placed tall masts and a 
large sail area. Vessels of this type could keep the sea 
and work to windward as long as they could carry sail. 
In the whole course of Elizabeth's reign not one ship of 
the royal navy was lost by misadventure, and one only 
was lost in battle, and that through the rashness of the 
redoubtable Sir Richard Grenville in fighting single-handed 
a Spanish fleet. The Elizabethan ship was held up to her 

* The only ship in the James at that * The Vanguard, Hawkins's latest 
time was Argall's small vessel, which had ship, was 108 ft. keel and 146 ft. " over- 
entered the river a few days earlier. At all." She was 32 ft. wide and 13 ft. deep, 
the moment Argall and his men were She was rated at 661 tons and belonged 
probably engaged in succoring Captain to the same class as the Revenge and the 
John Smith and his starving comrades; Nonpareil. See Oppenheim's AdminU* 
possibly the Spanish imagination formed tration of the Royal Navy, 124. 
a vessel from the trees and vines on shore. 
Brown's First Republic, 87-91. 

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work by a great quantity of sand or gravel, which was 
shoveled into her hold when she was launched and re- 
mained in place during her life. This large amount of 
ballast occupied the space which might otherwise have 
been given to supplies of food, drink, and clothing. One 
vessel, to make a long voyage, required two or three 
attendant storeships to keep her supplied with the neces- 
saries for her crew — as was the case, for example, on 
Drake's great voyage to the Pacific. It also made it im- 
possible for a vessel to carry more than enough food to an 
American colony to feed her passengers on the way over 
and see her crew safely home to England. The lot of the 
passengers, indeed, was anything but an enviable one. 
On the sand ballast under the main hatch was built a 
brick fireplace, its chimney extending through the hatch- 
way. On the same ballast, at varying distances from this 
center of food and heat, were the emigrant's quarters. 
The condition of one of these interiors during a five 
months' voyage from the Thames to the James River 
through the tropics baffles description; the captain who 
reached port with the loss of only ten per cent of his 
passengers might consider himself fortunate. 

To the modern reader the armament of an Elizabethan 
ship seems nearly as bewildering as it did to the unfortu- 
nate Spaniard: cannon, demicannon, culverin, and demi- 
culverin vie with harquebus-a-croc, murtherers, and fowlers 
to drive all understanding from one's head. The matter 
is not difficult of comprehension, however, if we divide 
the guns on these old ships into main and secondary 
battery, as the guns on a modern war vessel are divided. 
The three pieces last named were small guns mounted on 
the non-recoil principle and were breechloaders. In the 
breech was cast a " stirrup-piece." The ball was placed in 

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the bore of the gun and wrapped in hemp or grass to keep 
it from rolling out with the surge of the sea; into the 
slot of the stirrup was placed a "chamber," which was 
filled with powder and was wedged into its place. When 
firing, the gunner was careful not to stand on one side 
of the gun, lest the wedge should fly out and kill him. 
Some of these guns could be discharged as often as once 
in every two minutes. They were the " quick firers " of 
their time and when the supply of iron ran low, as it did 
in 1588, arrows were fired from them. 1 

The cannon and demicannon, the culverin and demi- 
culverin and the sakers formed the main battery. The 
demicannon were short guns similar to the thirty-two- 
pound carronade of the War of 1812; the culverin was 
not unlike a long seventeen-pounder of the same epoch, 
while the demiculverin answered very well to the long nine- 
pounder with which the American privateers of that time 
were often supplied. These guns in the time of Hawkins 
and Drake were light because the powder used in them 
was poor. English ships in the reigns of Elizabeth and 
James I were heavily armed with long guns, mostly of 
the demiculverin type, with a small secondary battery; 
the Spaniards, on the other hand, carried guns of the 
demicannon type, with a large secondary battery. In 
this way may be explained the fact that the Margaret 
and John of eight guns for five hours kept up a running 
combat with two Spanish ships of sixteen and twelve guns 

The reigns of Elizabeth Tudor and of James Stuart, her 
immediate successor, mark in English history the transition 
from mediaeval to modern times, which is shown not only 

* For details as to ordnance, see Oppenheim and Corbett and W. W. Greene's 
The Oun and Its Development. 

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in the remodeling of the fighting ship, but in other ways 
as well. The Tudor monarchy was essentially feudal, 
while the England of Charles I was as essentially modern. 
The world was rapidly changing; this silent revolution 
took place in England earlier than elsewhere. The causes 
were many : the keen religious excitement of the preceding 
half century, the wave of imperialism which swept over the 
English race, and the reorganization of domestic economy 
which the religious disturbances and the intercourse with 
Eastern countries brought about. To this revolution Eliza- 
beth and James powerfully contributed through the defects 
of their qualities: Elizabeth by her strength prevented 
reform; James by his foolish cunning made certain that 
the process of reorganization which was inevitable would, 
nevertheless, not be easy. 

Elizabeth was a typical Tudor. Lacking in the finer 
qualities of humanity, she possessed unerring political fore- 
sight and indomitable will ; no modern politician has ever 
gauged the people's wish more accurately than she. When- 
ever it was clearly safe to do so, she domineered over her 
subjects like an Eastern despot ; when it was time to yield, 
she gave way with a smiling graciousness of demeanor 
that completely hid the constitutional point involved. 1 
For example, on one occasion she sought to give pecuniary 
advancement to a favorite in a way which was clearly 
illegal. When the judges declared her order to be against 
the law of the land, against their oaths as judges, against 
her coronation oath, and in contempt of God, Elizabeth 
"well accepted" the rebuff and looked about for some 
safer way to reward a friend. 9 Frequently she raised 

i See Simonds D'Ewes's Journal of derson's Reports, i, 152 (in English in 
the Parliaments of Elizabeth, 400, 478. Thayer's Cases in Constitutional Law, 

* The "Matter of Cavendish." An- i, 12). 

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money in an unconstitutional manner; when the victim 
of a forced levy appeared before her, she smiled graciously, 
held out her hand to be kissed, and, if convenient, re- 
warded him with the grant of a monopoly or of lands 
filched from the Church or seized from the Irish. Two 
things, however, she would not allow to be discussed; 
these were reforms in religion and in politics. On one 
occasion she directed the Speaker of the House of Com- 
mons to bring to her a bill which that House had under 
consideration. When he came with it, she took it and 
tore it up. The English nation bore with these actions 
of its aged ruler, because, in the first place, they respected 
her, and in the second place, it was quite certain that she 
could not live forever. After her would come the deluge. 
In the first year of the seventeenth century the flood of 
desire for change rose to such a height that for a moment 
it seemed as if the deluge were come. This was the move- 
ment which is known as the Essex Affair, and was an 
attempt to force Elizabeth's consent to radical measures. 
It cost Essex his life, Elizabeth keen sorrow, and several 
founders of Virginia their liberty for the remainder of her 
reign. For instance, Sir Thomas Smythe, the first treas- 
urer of the Virginia Company, was committed to the 
Tower and stayed there until the accession of James ; the 
Earl of Southampton, the third treasurer of the Virginia 
Company, was convicted of treason and barely escaped the 
block; and Lord de la Warr, long the mainstay of the 
Virginia enterprise, was involved in the scheme. Sir Ed- 
win Sandys, the second treasurer of the Virginia Com- 
pany, was out of England at the moment, or he would, 
doubtless, have kept Sir Thomas Smythe and the Earl of 
Southampton company. As it was, he was one of the first 
Englishmen to reach the court of the Stuart king. Had 

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her successor been the wisest and bravest ruler who ever 
lived, changes were certain to follow Elizabeth's decease. 
He turned out to be one of those curiosities whom the 
laws of inheritance occasionally bring to the notice of 

Shrewd and wary, well educated, and trained in the 
school of adversity, James Stuart lacked personal dignity 
and political wisdom; in spite of his cunning, he some- 
times said things which years of gravity and success would 
not cause men to forget. Take, for example, the story of 
two speeches 1 to the assembled members of Parliament. 
In the one he said that he and Buckingham were "like 
a cow's tail." In the other he described himself as an 
old and experienced king, and declared that "kings are 
not only God's lieutenants upon earth and sit on God's 
throne, but even by God Himself are called gods." With- 
out thought, he involved himself in dispute after dispute 
with the various religious and civil elements which were 
pressing forward for changes in Church and State. Once 
entangled in an argument on any subject, James I never 
knew when he was beaten. He found himself obliged to 
submit to many humiliations; he solidified against his son 
the most active and aggressive elements in the English 

*The first of these speeches is de- 8tatute$, 293. These examples might 

scribed by Gardiner in his History of be largely multiplied as, for instance, 

England, \v, 49; the second is taken from James's First Speech to Parliament, 

the Works of King James (ed. 1616), ibid., 486. 
629 ; it is also giyen In Prothero's 

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L The Hawkins Voyages. — The Hawkins expeditions are nar- 
rated by Hakluy t in his Voyages l (ed. 1600, iii, 600-625). These 
accounts are accessible to the ordinary reader in the Hakluyt 
Society's volume entitled The Hawkins* Voyages. Turned into the 
clearest English prose, they are in Southey's British Admirals, vol. 
iii. An excellent reprint of this portion of Southey's work is Eng- 
lish Seamen by Robert Southey, one volume, edited by David Hannay. 
Arbei^s English Garner (vol. v) contains the best modern reprint of 
the Hakluyt narrative ; but the notes are of uneven value. E. J. 
Payne's Elizabethan Seamen is full and useful on the matters treated 
in this chapter. Julian Corbett, in his Drake and the Tudor Navy 
(i, 414), has a valuable bibliographical note on the Third Voyage. 
Froude's English Seamen in the Sixteenth Century is interesting and 
painfully inaccurate. 

n. Drake's Voyage. — The best life of Drake is Julian Gorbetfs 
Drake and the Tudor Navy; this part of the great seaman's life is 
treated in the first volume. The main source of information con- 
cerning the voyage to the Pacific is The World Encompassed by Sir 
Francis Drake, collected out of the Notes of Master Francis Fletcher 
(London, 1628). This account, with nearly all other known mate- 
rial, is printed in the Hakluyt Society's volume with the above title ; 
the notes to this edition are of little value. Markham's Sarmiento's 
Voyages (Hakluyt Society) gives the Spanish view. A few other 
papers are noted in Corbetf 8 Drake and the Tudor Navy, i, 423. 
The poor proofreading of Markham's chapter on "Voyages and 
Discoveries, 1486-1603" in Laird Clowes's History of the Royal 
Navy greatly detracts from the value of what would otherwise be 
a convenient summary. 

III. The Ralegh Expeditions. — On these expeditions, see the nar- 
ratives in Hakluyt's Voyages (ed. 1600, iii, 24S-296). These are 
reprinted in Hawks's North Carolina and in the Prince Society's 
volume entitled Sir Walter Ralegh. The Ralegh patent is in Char- 
ters and Constitutions of the United States, ii, 1379. 

As to the " lost colonists " and their fate, see Brown's Genesis, 
i, 189; S. B. Weeks in Magazine of American History, xxv, 127, and 

* The most convenient edition is the the pagination of the 1600 edition on the 
MaeLehose reprint of 1903-05, which has margin. 

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American Historical Association's Papers, v, pt. 4 ; " Loungings in 
the Footprints of the Pioneers/' by E. C. Bruce in Harper's Magazine, 
xx, 730; "The Surroundings of Ralegh's Colony," by Talcott Wil- 
liams in American Historical Association's Papers, 1895, 17 ; and 
Hamilton McMillan's Sir Walter Ralegh's Lost Colony. 

IV. The Armada. — Few subjects have undergone such a thorough 
reconstruction within the last few years as has this. Oppenheim, 
Laughton, and Corbett, to use the last named's homely phrase, " have 
disinterred the truth " and set it where he who cares to may read. 
The original records are in the Calendars of State Papers, 1 in the first 
two volumes issued by the Navy Records Society under the editorship 
of Professor Laughton and entitled "Armada Papers" and the corre- 
sponding Spanish publication edited by Captain Duro as "L'Armada 
Invincible." Of the secondary books may be mentioned Oppenheim's 
Administration of the Royal Navy, which is an excellent book with an 
extremely misleading title, and Julian Corbett's Drake and the Tudor 
Navy. Of the older accounts that by Southey in his British Admirals 
remains decidedly the best. Froude's description in his History of 
England is woefully misleading. There are some good illustrations 
in Clowes's History of the Royal Navy; but like all codperative works 
it is disappointing and sometimes irritating. There is no good 
modern account in brief compass; that by W. F. Tilton in The 
Century best represents the facts. 

i Domestic, 1581-1590; Spanish, 1587- Tilton in American Historical Review, 
1603. See also Acts of the Council, 1588. v,75A. 
The Calendars are reviewed by W. F. 

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In one hundred years before 1600 the stock of gold and 
silver in Western Europe increased threefold. 1 In this 
statement may be read the misery and death of the 
native races of America and the dislocation of the social 
organization of European countries, notably of England, 
from which in turn flowed the first great wave of English 
colonial and commercial expansion. The effects of this 
increase in the circulating medium were earliest felt in 
Spain; it was the middle of the century before their 
results were especially noticeable in England. Then, as 
Elizabeth's reign progressed, there were seen an ever 
increasing display of luxury in the mansions of the rich 
and an increasing amount of misery in the homes of the 
poor, — which seem to be significant of rapid changes in 
the supply of the standard of exchange. 

The opening years of the seventeenth century found 
landowners in receipt of the largest income from their 
acres that they have ever received. The Verney Memovrs^ 
for example, tell us that one estate in Buckinghamshire 
let for more pounds sterling in 1630 than it did in 1870, 
although the purchasing power of the pound sterling in 
1630 was about four times what it was in 1870. 9 Yet it 
may well be doubted if the landowners were as pros- 
perous in the reign of James as they had been in the last 

*8ee Lexis in Handwdrterbuch der 762; vi, 782, andWiebe's PreUrevoluHon, 
StaatswisscnSchaften (ed. 1899), iv, 751, 272. * Verney Memoir; i, 130. 


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years of Henry VIII. Their returns in money were 
greater, it is true; but the prices of those commodities 
which might be described as the necessaries of the rich 
had largely increased, and at the same time the scale of 
living had undergone so great a change that the mode of 
life of their grandfathers and grandmothers seemed to savor 
of the days of barbarism. Castles hoary with age, which 
had sheltered a manorial family for centuries, gave place 
to Elizabethan mansions, which were provided with such 
new-fangled conveniences as chimneys and glass windows. 
Rugs and carpets, linen sheets, and silken doublets were 
becoming fashionable and were very expensive. Lady 
Verney gives the price of her "best sheets" in 1640 as 
eight pounds, at a time when ten pounds would purchase 
a good horse. 1 The growing oceanic commerce brought 
wealth to the merchants and the shopmen ; it caused ever 
increasing expenditures on the part of the aristocracy. 
The last years of Elizabeth saw an outburst of splendor 
and luxury which even now, after three hundred years 
have passed away, fairly staggers belief. The problem of 
clothing and housing younger sons and giving them a 
start in life was becoming more difficult every year. 

While the war with Spain continued " gentlemen volun- 
teers " found fame and fortune on the decks of the priva- 
teer or of the more regular war ship. Elizabeth's successor 
stopped that outlet for energy by making peace with 
Spain. There was nothing remarkable in this change 
of policy, for Spain was tired of war and James had 
no cause of enmity against the Spaniards. The son of 

1 Verney Memoirs, i, 10. In 1598 the have heen " quite new " in 1660, at which 

churchwardens of St. Michaels in Bed- time coffee begins to be mentioned, and 

wardine in Worcester paid 1*. 84. for one tea comes in with the second Charles in 

pound of sugar. Ale and wine were still 1660. See Verney Memoirs, i, 13, and 

the staple beverages ; chocolate seems to Pepys's Diary under 1660. 

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Mary Stuart, the Catholic Queen of Scots, had no dislike 
for those who obeyed the Pope; some writers maintain, 
indeed, that Robert Cecil urged on the Gunpowder Plot l 
for the express purpose of rousing James's anger against 
the Roman Catholics. Furthermore, with his ideas of the 
divine right of kings to do as they pleased with the lives 
and property of their subjects, James had no sympathy 
with the Dutch, who were striving to wring their inde- 
pendence from Spain. On the contrary, he regarded the 
gallant men of Holland as no better than so many rebels. 
In 1604, by treaty between the representatives of England 
and of Spain, it was agreed that the war between the two 
powers should come to an end. 9 Undoubtedly it never 
occurred to Philip III of Spain that the gentlemen volun- 
teers, deprived of their old occupation, would throng the 
decks of the English emigrant ships bound to the Indies. 
Yet so it was, for among the early comers to Virginia we 
find George Percy, the younger brother of the Duke of 
Northumberland, and Francis, John, and Nathaniel West, 
ninth, twelfth, and thirteenth children of the second Lord 
de la Warr. Penelope West, their sister, married Herbert 
Pelham ; and among her sixteen children were the first 
treasurer of Harvard College and the second wife of John 
Bellingham, governor of Massachusetts. 8 

1 Among the recent books on this sub- * Historical writers have been alto- 

ject may be mentioned Gerard's What gether too prone to draw a hard and fast 

was the Gunpowder Plot f and Gardiner's line of demarcation between the settlers 

What Gunpowder Plot was. Gerard of the Southern colonies and those who 

(p. 279) gives an interesting table show- founded colonies north of the fortieth 

ing amounts received as " Recusants' parallel. For instance, it is sometimes 

Fines." said that the Northern colonists came 

* The treaty is in Dumont's Corpus to the New World for conscience' sake. 

Universal Diplomatique du Droit dee and the Southern planters sought wealth 

Gens, v, pt. H, 32, and in Rymer's alone; but no such generalization can 

Fcedera, xvi, 617. Gardiner gives ez- truthfully be made. Moreover, it is 

tracts from an English translation in the oftentimes the custom to point out some 

Harleian Mss. in his History of England, mysterious difference between the Vir- 

i, 209-213. ginian and the New Englander, which 

VOL.1. — L 

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The rise in prices and increase in the scale of living, 
which made it difficult for the well-to-do to make the two 
ends meet, produced a far more disastrous effect upon 
those in the community who depended for their food upon 
the earnings of their hands ; the prices of food rose out of 
proportion to the rise in wages; while landowners and 
tenant farmers found it necessary to make every acre pro- 
duce its utmost, with slight regard for the well-being of 
the laboring classes. It is true that prices increased less 
in those things that the poorer people used than they did 
in those things which the richer sort now demanded. At 
the same time, however, wages rose slightly if at all. 1 
Nowadays, if the workingman does not obtain the return 
in money which he deems fitting, he stops working until 
his employer is worn out and settles the dispute, or 
until the laborer acknowledges himself to be beaten. 
In the days of which we are now speaking, the landed 
gentry of each neighborhood, in the guise of justices of 
the peace, fixed the wages which should be paid. If 
a laborer regarded these wages as insufficient and de- 
clined to work for them, the law provided that these 
same justices could have him arrested as a vagabond, a 
valiant rogue, or a sturdy beggar, send him to the whip- 
can be expressed by the words "cava- Boston, and Sir George Yeardley, gov- 
lier " and " Puritan," the latter term, ernor of Virginia, was the son of a 
when thus used, signifying a social con- merchant tailor and first cousin to John 
dition below that of the cavalier. No Harvard's stepfather, 
such characterization is possible. If * On the general subject of prices and 

there was one person in England who wages, see Thorold Rogers's History of 
possessed those distinctions of blood Agriculture and Prices. The following 
which no king could give, that man was Magistrates' Assessment for wages in 
John Hampden. His cousin, Oliver Crom- Rutlandshire is taken from Traill's Lo- 
well, was nephew of Sir Oliver Cromwell, clal England, ill, 544: — 
one of the members of the Virginia Com- 1M4 lsio 

pany, and was closely related to Sir Artisans {Summer W. 9orl0d. 
Thomas Smythe, the head of that enter- < Winter 8 8 

prise. Isaac Johnson, son-in-law of the Agricultural ( Summer 7 7 

Earl of Lincoln, was one of the first laborers ( Winter 6 6 

victims of the inhospitable climate of 

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ping post, bind him out to a master, or put him in jail. 
The century under review witnessed, in the midland coun- 
ties, that change from agriculture to sheep raising 1 which 
has been often described, and the results of which have 
been sometimes overestimated. However great or small 
the change may have been, undoubtedly there was some 
change, and each holding diverted from agriculture and 
turned into sheep walks meant the employment of fewer 
persons on the land. The dissolution of the monasteries, 
in the time of Henry VIII, threw upon the charitable 
people of England many helpless men and women ; the 
story of the dispossessed monks and nuns is not a pleas- 
ant one to turn back to. Still less pleasant is the story 
of the tenants and laborers on the monastic properties; 
those establishments seem to have been easy landlords 
and masters, which the new owners certainly were not. 
With the closing of the monasteries, also, one source of 
help for the poor and friendless had dried up, and new 
sources of aid were slowly provided. New avenues of 
employment opened to the industrious working people 
in the demand for homespun yarn and for hands to 
operate the looms which were now marking the begin- 
ning of the manufacture of cloth in England. But these 
conditions did not exist for the poorest of the poor. For 
them there was little besides the constable's lash, 2 the 
deck of the war ship, or the hold of the emigrant vessel. 

One further way of relieving the land of its surplus 
inhabitants remains to be noticed, and that was the plague. 
This was endemic in England in the reigns of Elizabeth 

1 See map prepared by E. F. Gay to in Worcestershire, in the first year of 

Illustrate his article on "Inclosares in James's reign, eleven men and six women 

England in the Sixteenth Century " in were punished with the stocks and whip- 

The Quarterly Journal of Economic* ping (Worcester County Records, i, 70). 

for August, 1906. See also Records of the North Riding 

1 In the little parish of Bromsgrove, (Yorkshire). 

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Googl e 


and James. Every few years a peculiarly violent visi- 
tation of the plague sheared off a portion of the sub- 
merged tenth of the population, and left the survivors 
poorer and more helpless than they were before. Scurvy, 
also, was a common disease on shore as well as at sea ; 
for the winter's meats were necessarily salted, and fresh 
vegetables, as the potato, were not yet available. From 
1607 to 1625 the plague and the scurvy 1 claimed only 
a tithe of their usual victims, and left the balance free to 
die of malaria and starvation on the banks of the James 

While the poor were thus growing poorer, the upper 
and middle classes were increasing in wealth. For the 
first time in English history capital was abundant ; the 
use of credit in commercial affairs became extended, and 
new avenues for investment were eagerly sought. One 
significant change of the time is the turning of the shops 
of the goldsmiths of London into banking rooms, and the 
legalization of usury ; in the future, the effort of legis- 
lators is to restrain the exacting of exorbitant interest, 
it is no longer to prohibit money lending on interest. 
Capitalists were beginning to seek new modes of invest- 
ment as, for example, in manufacturing enterprises, many 
of which were now being set on foot, especially by arti- 
sans who had fled from the devastations of the religious 
wars of the continent. Above all, moneyed men sought 
investments in commercial ventures to far-off seas and 
foreign shores. In 1599 thirty thousand pounds were 
subscribed for an expedition to the East Indies; among 
the subscribers were sixty persons who afterward became 

* There is a great mass of interesting the same author's chapters in Traill's 

information on these somewhat lugubri- Social England, .vote, ill and iv. The 

ons topics in Charles Creigh ton's History weak part of Dr. Creigh ton's work is his 

of Epidemics in Britain, vol. i, and in description of epidemics in the colonies. 

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interested in the Virginia Company. 1 Fourteen years 
later four hundred thousand pounds, the equivalent of 
eight million dollars in our time, were raised in a fort- 
night to equip an expedition to the Far East. 

Sir Thomas Smythe, 9 the first treasurer of the Virginia 
Company and the manager of that enterprise in its most 
critical years, did more than any other merchant of his day 
to open the world to English commerce. He was the son 
of Mr. " Customer " Smythe, collector of the subsidy of 
Tonnage and Poundage, and second cousin " once removed " 
of Oliver Cromwell. At an early age the younger Smythe 
began to be interested in schemes of exploration and colo- 
nization, and by his connections and business ability rap- 
idly accumulated wealth. Probably he was one of the 
assignees of Ralegh's patent in 1589. When the East India 
Company was formed, in October, 1600, he was appointed 
its first governor. He was believed to be complicated in 
the Essex Affair, was dismissed from the shrievalty, and 
was sent to the Tower. He also resigned the governorship 
of the company. Three years later, on the accession of 
James, he was released from prison, was knighted, and 
again took his place at the head of the East India Com- 
pany. With the exception of one year he remained in 
charge of that great enterprise until 1621, when he re- 
quested the shareholders to relieve him of the burden. 
It is not going too far to say that he was the founder of 
the British empire in India. 8 He was also governor of the 

1 Brown's Genesis, i, 25. • On this part of Smythe's career, see 

* Cf . Wadmore's " Sir Thomas books on the East India Company, espe- 

8mythe" {Archmologia Cantiana, also cially Birdwood and Foster's Register 

priuted separately) ; Professor Laugh- of Letters. Besides Smythe and Sandys, 

ton's article in Dictionary of National abont one hundred other members of the 

Biography ; Brown's Genesis, ii, 1012 East India Company were interested in 

(portrait on p. 900) ; and Markham's Virginia at one time or another. 
Baffin's Voyages (Haklnyt Society's 
Publications, with portrait). 

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Muscovy Company, 1 which traded to Russia, and in 1604 
went on a special embassy to the court of the Czar. He 
was interested in the Levant Company and in other enter- 
prises, and was the constant patron of explorers. For 
instance, he was one of those who sent Hudson to Hud- 
son Bay, Thomas Poole to Greenland, Thomas Button to 
discover the Northwest Passage, and William Baffin to the 
Arctic. His name was attached by grateful commanders 
to headlands, bays, islands, and capes the world over; 
among others to Smith Sound in the Arctic, and to 
Smith Island at the entrance of Chesapeake Bay. In 
1618 he was appointed one of the commissioners of the 
royal navy, and in 1622 was elected to Parliament. His 
house in Philpot Lane must have been of generous propor- 
tions, as it lodged at one time the Marquis Tremouille, 
ambassador from France, and his retinue of one hundred 
and twenty persons. For years it was the headquarters 
of the Virginia Company, and in its rooms were doubt- 
less held the consultations which resulted in the forma- 
tion of that corporation and the founding of Jamestown. 
Owing to its convenient situation it may also have wit- 
nessed the meetings which led to the settlement of Boston, 
as it later belonged to Increase Nowell, secretary of the 
Massachusetts Bay Company. 

Sir Thomas Smythe's interests and those of his partners 
in the first expeditions to Virginia were of a twofold 
character, but both of a purely business nature: they 
hoped that the long-sought-for passage to India and 
Cathay led through the American continent at that point, 
and they had no unreasonable expectations that gold and 
silver would be found there in such quantities as to pay 
the costs of the expeditions and possibly bring in fortunes 

* The Muscovy Company was founded by Smythe's grandfather, Sir Andrew Judd. 

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to all concerned. 1 With our present knowledge of that 
region those expectations appear chimerical. To do jus- 
tice to Sir Thomas Smythe and his advisers, we must 
put ourselves in their places and view things as they 
knew them. Thus seen, there is nothing fanciful in 
their expectations. America was then deemed to be the 
land of gold and silver. Wealth untold had poured 
into the coffers of Spain from Mexico and from Peru; 
why not into those of England from Virginia? The ex- 
plorers of that region, time and again, had reported signs 
of gold; Ralegh's men had even seen ornaments of gold 
or of copper, but exactly which, they could not definitely 
determine. The old tales which had lured Spaniards to 
New Mexico now enticed Englishmen to Virginia. The 
best known of the latter type is Seagull's description in 
Eastward Hoe which was partly written by no less a 
person than Ben Jonson. In this play Virginia is pic- 
tured as a land « Where gold and silver is more plentiful 
than copper is with us;" 2 one ton of the latter metal 
could be exchanged for three tons of the former in that 
land of enchantment where even the prisoners' fetters 
were made of fine gold. These expectations at first 
seemed to be well founded, for Newport, returning home 
in the summer of 1607, brought with him a small bit of 
real gold and a barrel of pyrites or " fool's gold." 8 The 
particles which glistened in the sand had deceived Captain 
Martin, whose father was Master of the Royal Mint and 
whose brother-in-law, Sir Julius CaBsar, was later Chan- 
cellor of the Exchequer or Minister of Finance. It was 
not until two assays had been made in England that 

* Chapter 1 of Brace's Economic His- in full In Brown's Genesis (1, 80) and in 

tory of Virginia summarizes the more many other places, 
important information on this topic. • Brown's First Republic, 32. 

s This well-known passage is printed 

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Captain Martin's belief was proved to be unfounded; 
and it is not impossible but that he was right and 
the assayers were wrong, for, curiously enough, free gold 
often exists in Virginia in close association with pyrites. 
When Newport returned to Virginia, he carried over with 
hira two goldsmiths upon whose recommendation a whole 
shipload of pyrites was taken to England. When this was 
also proved by assay to be "fool's gold," the search in 
Virginia was extended toward the mountains. One Faldo, 
" an Helvetian," actually discovered a mine, but died be- 
fore he could find it again. When the son of the Master 
of the Mint, expert goldsmiths of London, and profes- 
sional prospectors like the "Helvetian" go wrong, why 
heap ridicule on plain business men whose occupation 
forces them to rely on expert opinion? As a matter of 
fact there was gold in that region, for in the fifty years 
from 1804 to 1853 the states of Virginia and North Caro- 
lina produced nine and one quarter million dollars' worth 
of gold, and even as late as the year 1899 forty-two 
thousand dollars' worth of gold and silver were produced 
in those states. 1 With the history of California, of 
Australia, of South Africa, and of the Klondike in one's 
mind, it is easy to imagine what would have happened 
in Virginia had gold in paying quantities been found 
there in the first part of the seventeenth century instead 
of two hundred years later. 

Next to greed of gold, the controlling motive which in- 
spired the partners in the Virginia venture was the proba- 
bility that a sea route to China was awaiting some happy 
explorer in the vicinity of the fortieth parallel. No living 

* See J. D. Whitney's Metallic Wealth States" {Geological Survey Reports, 
of the United States, 145; Williams's 1882, p. 180); Day's Report on Mineral 
" Mineral Resources of the United Resources (1902), 120, 122. 

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person had then the slightest conception of the size of 
North America, and the natives who ought to have known 
constantly affirmed that only a few days' march from the 
seaboard there was a "great water." One form of this 
story, which seems to have impressed even so scientific a 
man as Thomas Hariot, 1 was that the waves of this sup- 
posed western sea sometimes washed into the heads of 
rivers which emptied into the Atlantic. At different 
places along the coast, the natives told what amounted to 
the same story ; and it was true. But the " great water " 
which the whites interpreted to be the South Sea, in the 
Indians' minds stood for Lake Champlain, or the Great 
Lakes, or the Mississippi River. Furthermore, no one can 
voyage through Chesapeake Bay or Delaware Bay with 
the story of the early explorers in his mind without seeing 
how entirely justified they were in their expectation that 
they were on the long-sought passage to the South Sea. 
And, finally, until every inlet of those bays and of the 
Hudson River had been explored by water or environed by 
land, no one could say definitely that the next returning 
ship would not bring news of the discovery of the western 
waterway. At all events, it is quite certain that with- 
out some such material inducements, as those just noted, 
to spur them on, Sir Thomas Smythe and his partners 
would not have sent the Su%<m Constant across the At- 
lantic in the winter and spring of 1607. 

Even if the hoped-for treasure should fail to be found 

1 Thomas Harlot's Brief and True ographer, 1. With White's drawings it 

Report of the new found land of Vir- was printed by De Bry at Frankfort in 

ginia. This was first issued in 1588-89 1590, and has been reprinted, in facsimile, 

and has been many times reprinted, as, by the Holbein Society from that edition, 

for instance, in facsimile, by Henry Ste- Qnaritch in 1893 reprinted the text of the 

yens, with an admirable biography (re- 1590 edition with the pictures in reduced 

viewed by Charles S. Peirce in American facsimile, but large enough for ordinary 

Historical Review, vi, 557), in the Bibli- use. 

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(This sketch of the outlines of the Molineaux Map of 1600 shows the geographical knowl- 
edge of North America at the disposal of Sir Thomas Smythe in forming his plans 
for the Virginia voyage of 1607.) 


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and an easy route to the East Indies should continue to 
prove elusive, there still was hope that the holders of Vir- 
ginia stock might receive some slight return from the 
money which they invested in the enterprise. Ralph 
Lane, Ralegh's chosen explorer, had reported the soil of 
Virginia to be the " goodliest under the cope of heaven," 
and "very well peopled and towned." Besides the de- 
posits of gold and silver, Hariot, "the Huxley of his 
time," * reported the existence of mines of copper and of 
iron. In those days, when iron was smelted with char- 
coal, the latter discovery was of great importance because 
the forests of England were limited, while those of Vir- 
ginia were illimitable. Not only would these forests 
provide charcoal, they would also furnish lumber of all 
shapes and sizes, from clapboards to ships' masts. Vir- 
ginia grapes were reported to be larger and finer than 
those of Europe, which gave good promise for the pro- 
duction of wine. 

The considerations which have been adverted to in the 
preceding paragraphs were all of a material kind, but the 
first expeditions to Virginia were purely business ventures. 
With the last years of the old century and the first years 
of the new there was a widespread revival of English mari- 
time enterprise. Trading voyages to the East Indies turned 
out to be profitable, and plundering expeditions were con- 
stantly harassing the Spaniards in the West Indies, while 
fishing vessels crossed the North Atlantic to Newfoundland, 
and fur traders began to frequent the shores of New Eng- 
land. Many of these voyages are known to us only from 
scattered hints, but a few of them are better chronicled 
and deserve some slight attention in this place. 

* G. Brown Goode gave Hariot this designation (Beginning$ 0/ Natural His- 
tory in America, 2). 

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Sir Walter Ralegh's patent still interfered to hamper 
expeditions to North America. Once in a while he him- 
self fitted out an expedition to plunder the Spaniards and 
incidentally to look up " the lost colonists," or to secure 
valuable cargoes by purchase or by honest labor. Among 
these was the voyage of Samuel Mace 1 in 1602, and of 
Bartholomew Gilbert in 1603 — the latter was murdered 
by the Indians somewhere between the capes of the 
Chesapeake and Sandy Hook. The preceding year, 1602, 
besides the expedition of Samuel Mace, two other voy- 
ages were made across the Atlantic. One of these was 
sent out by the East India Company, under the com- 
mand of George Weymouth, to seek a waterway to the 
Pacific ; he reached Greenland, or possibly Labrador, and 
returned home. 2 The other expedition was commanded 
by Bartholomew Gosnold and was fitted out, in part at 
least, by the Earl of Southampton. Gosnold coasted the 
shore of what are now the states of New Hampshire and 
Massachusetts, built a rude hut on one of the islands 
which lie off the southern coast of the latter, filled his 
vessel's hold with sassafras, and returned to England in 
safety. The proceeds of the trip were at once confiscated 
by Ralegh, but this exercise of power was one of his last 
acts in connection with North America, as his attainder 
caused the forfeiture of his patent. 

In 1603, the same year that Bartholomew Gilbert sailed 
in Ralegh's service, John Whitson and other Bristol mer- 
chants dispatched Martin Pring with two vessels to the 

1 For this paragraph and those lmme- tions, Third Series, viii. Brereton's 

dlately following I am indebted to Mr. Brief e and True Relation (London, 1602) 

G. P. Winahlp for a sight of his " Intro- is reprinted in the Bibliographer, i. 

ductions" to Stevens's reprint of the See also Purchas's Pilgrimes, pt. It, 

accounts of Archer, Brereton, and Rosier, bk. viii, chs. £-13. 
These may conveniently be need in Mas- * Stevens's Dawn of English Trade 

sachnsetts Historical Society's Collec- to th' > Ea*t Indies. 

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New England coast. In 1604 George Weymouth again 
crossed the Atlantic. Arundel of Wardour and the Earl 
of Southampton were those whose names figure most 
prominently as the promoters of this expedition; for 
this reason, it has sometimes been surmised to have been 
a Roman Catholic enterprise. At all events, Weymouth, 
falling short of the Northwest Passage, " happened into 
a river on the coast of America called Pemaquid," which 
accident, according to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, " must be 
acknowledged the means under God of putting on foot 
and giving life to all our plantations." 1 In point of 
fact, Weymouth's glowing report of the climate and re- 
sources of the country in the neighborhood of the Kenne- 
bec River was the one thing necessary to stimulate persons 
of influence and capital to exploit more thoroughly than 
had yet been done the resources and possibilities of the 
Atlantic seashore of North America. In 1606 James I 
issued a patent under the great seal, which is generally 
cited as the first Virginia Charter. 2 

This document is a landmark in the history of territo- 
rial boundaries and of the constitutional rights of English 
colonists in America. In it the English king definitely 
claimed the right to colonize American lands between the 
thirty-fourth and forty-fifth parallels of latitude, 8 or from 
Cape Fear River to Halifax — the northern and southern 
limits of "Virginia." The grantees under this patent were 
divided into two groups, each of which was denominated 
a colony or company. The idea of the king seems to have 
been to establish two plantations on plots of ground each 

* See Brown's Generis, i, 50, for the • On the northern boundary, see W. 
passage in fall. F. Ganong's " Boundaries of New Bruns- 

* The charter is in Charters and Con- wick" in Royal Society of Canada's 
stitutions of the United States, ii, and in Transactions, 8econd Series, vii, section 
Brown's Genesis, i. ii, p. 199 and fol. 

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extending one hundred miles along the seacoast and 
one hundred miles inland. That group of grantees hav- 
ing its headquarters in London was given the exclusive 
right to plant the first settlement between thirty-four and 
thirty-eight degrees of north latitude. 1 Similarly, those 
patentees who lived in the west of England were to have 
the exclusive right to plant the first colony between forty- 
one and forty-five degrees of north latitude. The inter- 
vening degrees of latitude (thirty-eight to forty-one) were 
to be open to colonization by either company, but the first 
body to make a settlement should have one hundred miles 
of seacoast — fifty miles north and fifty miles south of the 
site of its first settlement — whether made within its own 
peculiar territory or within the region common to both 
colonies. 2 This curious arrangement is doubtless an ex- 
ample of that silly cunning which earned for James the 
title of " the wisest fool in Christendom." At all events, 
neither group of grantees sought to appropriate the region 
common to both; each took good care* to plant its first 
colony on land to which the other had no right. 

The most extraordinary thing about the Virginia Patent 
is the bald and barefaced claim which James Stuart made 
to a large part of the New World only two years after the 
signing of the treaty of London. The only circumstance 
parallel to it is the further fact that, notwithstanding his 

* The thirty-eighth parallel marks the Either company, instead of making its 

month of the Potomac River; the forty- settlement within its own peculiar terri- 

flrst parallel crosses the Hudson River tory, might plant a colony between the 

just north of Manhattan Island. mouth of the Potomac and Manhattan 

2 In other words, Virginia stretched Island. Wherever planted, the fact of 
from Cape Fear to the middle part of settlement gave the group making it the 
Nova Scotia. The London partners had right to one hundred miles along the sca- 
the exclusive right to plant the first coast, fifty miles north and fifty miles 
settlement between Cape Fear and the south of its settlement, and one hundred 
mouth of the Potomac River. Similarly, miles inland. There is a good map of 
the Plymouth partners had the exclusive the colonial bounds of Virginia in the 
right to make the first settlement be- Society of Colonial Wars in the District 
tween Manhattan Island and Halifax, of Columbia's Publication, No. I. 

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truckling to the Spanish power in other matters, he would 
not order back to England the settlers on the James River. 
This is more to be wondered at since the project of a 
matrimonial alliance with the royal family of Spain occu- 
pied much of his time and attention for the greater por- 
tion of his reign. The affair of the " Spanish Marriage " 
brought him greatly under the control of successive Span- 
ish ambassadors, one of whom went so far as to request 
the king to punish the seditious insolence of the members 
of the House of Commons, since he had, so he wrote, " no 
army here at present" with which to punish them him- 
self ; 1 but no Spanish ambassador, by word or deed, could 
induce James to interfere with the Virginia enterprise. 

It was in October, 1607, that Don Pedro de ZuSiga, 
Spanish ambassador in London, complained to James that 
Englishmen were going to Virginia, which was a part of 
the Spanish Indies. James replied to him that he did not 
know the king of Spain had any claim to Virginia ; more- 
over, seeing that the Spaniards had discovered many new 
regions, it seemed only right that Englishmen should have 
the like liberty. He promised, however, that the Council 
should look into the matter and if it was found that Eng- 
lishmen were going to prohibited places, they might be 
punished. Nothing further was done, however, and the 
reason may have been that there was no provision in the 
treaty of 1604 forbidding Englishmen to visit and occupy 
those parts of the New World which were not actually 
held by the Spaniards. At the time of the negotiation of 
that treaty the Spaniards had been very anxious to secure 
the insertion of words prohibiting Englishmen from going 
to the Indies. But the English negotiators, among whom 
were Lord Howard of Armada fame and Robert Cecil, 

i Gardiner's History of England, i (iv, 249), from the " Simaneas M88." 

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refused to insert any provision as to the country beyond 
the line of demarcation, unless the Spaniards would ac- 
knowledge the right of Englishmen to the unoccupied 
shores of the New World. 1 Under these circumstances, 
reference to the Council, where Cecil was supreme, implied 
that nothing would be done, and nothing was done. For 
years Lord Burleigh's son, Robert Cecil, soon to become 
Earl of Salisbury, was the strongest man in England, a 
constant patron of the Virginia venture, and an equally 
constant sponsor of an anti-Spanish policy, which some 
writers have thought strange, since he was in receipt of a 
pension from Spain and complained vigorously when the 
quarterly payments were not promptly made. 2 When it 
was seen that nothing could be gained from the English 
government, Zuniga sought to stir to activity his master 
in Spain. In 1609, for example, he implored Philip III 
to " give orders to have these insolent people [the Virgin- 
ians] quickly annihilated." His activity was not entirely 
in vain, for the Asuncion de Christo was dispatched from 
St. Augustine for the Chesapeake to spy out the land, as 
has already been described, and recoiled from the appari- 
tion of an English ship. In 1611, however, a Spanish cara- 
vel entered the James River, landed three men who were 
immediately seized, and sailed away with the English pilot 
who had boarded her with the intention of taking her 
under the guns of the fort. 8 For years an active corre- 
spondence between the English and Spanish governments 
over this matter continued. One of the three Spaniards 
was a " grandee." He remained at Jamestown for some 

1 Minutes of the Commissioners to 214 and Brown's Genesis, ii, 961. Sir 

negotiate the treaty of 1604 in Earl of Edward Monson, in command of the 

Jersey Mss. (Royal Historical Mann- Channel fleet, was also a pensioner of 

scripts Commission's Reports, viii, Ap- Spain, 
pendix, 95 and fol.). • Dale to Salisbury in Brown's Gene- 

8 Gardiner's History of England, i, sis, i, 507. 

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five years and from time to time sent home reports of the 
condition of affairs at that place. These were carried in 
the boots of faithless English sailors or were hid in coils 
of rope. His letters have lately been unearthed from the 
Spanish archives and give us an interesting picture of life 
on the James River. 1 Probably the Spaniards were set 
on shore for the precise object of sending these reports. 
In connection with this subject it is also worth noting 
that in 1611, and in 1612, Sir John Digby (afterwards 
Earl of Bristol), the English ambassador at Madrid, on 
three separate occasions called the attention of the English 
government to rumors which prevailed at Madrid. " They 
bite the lip again at Virginia and the Northwest Passage," 
he wrote on one occasion, and intend, so he said at another 
time, to "serve us as they did the Frenchmen in Florida." • 
Nothing came of any of these attempts and the Spanish 
king waited with exemplary patience, but in vain, for the 
enterprise on the James River to die a natural death. 

The Virginia Charter was even more memorable for its 
constitutional declarations than it was for its assertion of 
England's claim to a share of the New World. The 
clause is worth reading ; it provides that the English colo- 
nists and their posterity " shall have and enjoy all liberties, 
franchises, and immunities within any of our other domin- 
ions, to all intents and purposes as if they had been abid- 
ing and born within this our realm of England or any 
other of our said dominions." This famous clause repeats 
in substance the guarantee which was in the Ralegh patent 
which again repeated in substance what was in the Gil- 
bert charter. 8 In all three the English monarch declared 

1 They are printed in Brown's Generis, 583, 600, 608. Some of them are snmma- 
and are given in briefer form in his First rized in Calendar of State Papers, East 
Republic. Indies, 1513-1616, 238. 

2 Royal Historical Manuscripts Com- * Gilbert's charter is in Hakluyt's 
mission's Reports, x, Appendix i, 058, 576, Voyages (ed. 1600), iii, 135. 

vol. i. — M 

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to the world that English colonization was to be unlike 
that of Spain, France, and the nations of antiquity. It 
was the fate of pre-English colonists and of contemporary 
settlers of other nations to be looked upon as beings who 
were outside the laws and privileges of the dwellers in the 
home-land ; English colonists, on the other hand, were to 
enjoy the protection of the Common Law equally with 
the inhabitants of England. 1 As a declaration of a 
new colonial policy, this statement is interesting; but 
as maintaining, in the smallest essential, the rights of 
English subjects, it was of slight importance. The rights 
of Englishmen were not subject to the king's fancy ; for, 
as Bracton said, " the king is under no man, but is under 
God and the law." Go where he would, so long as he 
settled on land claimed by England and acknowledged 
allegiance to the English crown, the Englishman carried 
with him as much of the Common Law of England as 
was applicable to his situation and was not repugnant to 
his other rights and privileges. Nevertheless, this enunci- 
ation, now the third time repeated, marked an epoch in 
colonization. Permanent settlements, which in time were 
to grow into a great nation, were to be made under its 
guarantees. The success of the new movement was to 
depend largely on the proposition that colonists had the 
same rights as home-dwellers — a fact that marks off 
English colonization from all other colonization, ancient 
and modern. 

The Virginia Charter provided a cumbrous form of gov- 
ernment in which there was no one-man power, but every- 
thing was confided to councils. These were five in number. 
First and over all, there was to be in England a Council 
for Virginia composed of leading men who might or might 

i See Note UL 

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not have pecuniary interest in the affairs of the company. 
Then, each " colony," or " company," should have its coun- 
cil in England and each plantation should have its council 
in America. All the members of these councils were to be 
appointed by the king in the first instance, and later on 
the plantation council should be appointed as the king by 
written instructions might determine. When one consid- 
ers the extreme feebleness of the plantations in America 
during the life of this charter, this paraphernalia of govern- 
ment appears absurd. It should be remembered in James's 
favor, however, that he and those who worked under him 
were breaking out a new path. This form of government 
which confided the supreme oversight of the colonies to 
an appointive body was soon abandoned, because it was 
felt that those who invested money in colonial enterprises 
should have the management of them. 1 In the end, how- 
ever, the English government has been obliged to revert 
to James's original plan and to assume the government of 
every chartered colonizing company. In the charter of 
1606 James merely anticipated by some one hundred and 
seventy years the principles of the act for "regulating" 
the East India Company. 

The charter granted, James soon appointed the first 
Council for Virginia. Among its members were Sir 
Thomas Smythe, Sir Francis Popham, son and heir of 

1 See, for example, a letter from in Hening's Statutes and in Brown's 

Gorges to Cecil (Baxter's Gorges, ill, Genesis (i, 66). There is some question 

125). It is dated May 10, exactly one as to the date, whether it should be 

. month after the charter was issued. In April 12 or November 20 ; this letter of 

it Gorges asks to have the Plymouth Gorges would seem to confirm the earlier 

partners in the undertaking "exempted time which is given in Purchas (Pi/firrim**, 

from having to do with those citizens and iv, 1667). Alexander Brown states that 

townsmen nominated in his Majesty's he is "quite sure" that the councilors 

grant." The names of the Virginia named were members of the two com- 

couucilors are given in the ' ' Articles and panics. He gives no proof and the above 

Instructions " which were issued by the quoted letter of Gorges would seem to 

king in the same year. These are printed imply the opposite. 

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the chief justice, and Sir Ferdinando Gorges. In the 
next year the council was tripled in size and among the 
new members was Sir Edwin Sandys. These prelimina- 
ries settled, preparations were earnestly begun to send out 
the first expeditions to seek gold and silver and the North- 
west Passage, and to fortify a post in some convenient 
place on its borders. December 20, 1606, three vessels 
sailed from the Thames for the southern part of Virginia. 1 
These were the Susan Constant, the God&peed, and the Dis- 
covery ; they belonged to the Muscovy Company and their 
commander was Sir Christopher Newport, a seaman of 
discretion and proved ability, who later commanded a 
fleet for the East India Company and died at Bantam in 
1618. For weeks the vessels lay at anchor in the Downs 
and in various Channel ports awaiting favorable winds to 
blow them out to sea and across the Bay of Biscay. At 
length they cleared the Channel and steered for the 
Canary Islands, which they reached in March. In pursu- 
ing this extreme southern course Sir Christopher Newport 
was only following the track of previous mariners. From 
the Canaries the fleet sailed across the Atlantic Ocean 
and in April reached Dominica in the West Indies. Pass- 
ing northward by Marigalante, Guadalupe, Monserrat, 
Nevis, St. Kitts, and the southern shore of Porto Rico, the 
expedition reached the island of Mona. At Nevis the 
explorers spent six days in cleansing themselves and their 
belongings ; at Mona they again went on shore and filled 
their water casks. At the latter place the gentlemen of 
the expedition went hunting. It was now April, and the 
heat of the sun was great ; it so oppressed Edward Brooks 
that "his fat melted within him" and killed him — at 

1 This account of the voyage is based in Pnrchas's PUgrimes, iv, 1681, and in 
on Percy's ' ' Discourse," which is printed Brown's Genesis, i, 152. 

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least so Percy tells us. Of the sufferings of those whom 
this noble chronicler would have termed the "common 
people " he is silent ; but the voyage was fatal to some of 
them, for of the one hundred and twenty who embarked 
in England only one hundred and four landed in Virginia. 

On May 6, 1607, at daylight, the capes of the Chesa- 
peake were above the horizon. The ships stood into the 
bay, and charmed with the sight and smell of the land, 
some of the chief men sought the shore. Among them 
was George Percy, who " was almost ravished at the first 
sight" of the fair meadows and tall trees of Virginia. 
Later in the day the savages, " creeping on all fours from 
the hills, like bears, with their bows in their mouths," 
attacked the white invaders. They wounded Captain Ga- 
briel Archer and a sailor and were themselves unharmed. 

That night the sealed commission and instructions 
which the explorers had brought with them were opened 
and the names of the land commanders were for the first 
time made known. During the voyage Newport had 
exercised supreme control, and the concealment of the 
names of the land rulers had been in conformity with the 
custom of the East India Company. The "Articles and In- 
structions for the Government of Virginia," * which James 
had issued, were in reality a constitution of government. 
So much ridicule has been heaped on them and their 
royal author that it will be well to examine them with 
some care to see whether these jeers are well deserved. 
The supreme governing body was a council which exer- 
cised executive, legislative, and judiciary functions. It 
possessed despotic authority, which seemed to be neces- 
sary, as the expedition was in the nature of a "forlorn 
hope " sent out to attack the American soil and savages. 

i Hening'a Statutes at Large of Virginia, i, 67, aod Brown's Generis, i, 65. 

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The attempt proved to be full of difficulty and danger, 
owing partly to the ignorance which then beset all Eng- 
lishmen, of how large expeditions should be conducted, 
and more especially to the climatic and human environ- 
ment of Virginia. To these formidable obstacles, rather 
than to defects in the governmental framework, must 
be attributed the tragedy of Jamestown. 

The Articles, furthermore, contain a good deal of legisla- 
tive matter which provided reforms in the mode of dealing 
with crime to which England did not attain for centuries. 
For example, in Virginia the death penalty was reserved 
for some six offences. The exclusions and inclusions, in 
comparison with contemporary English practice, are not 
uninteresting. On the one hand, petty larceny and con- 
sorting with gypsies would not bring death in Virginia, as 
they did in England. On the other hand, this brief list 
included adultery, to which the common and statute law 
then attached no penalty whatever. Moreover, James also 
provided that a person refusing to plead to his indictment 
should be adjudged guilty and should not be pressed to 
death, as was the practice in England. 

Tftie instructions 1 which the Virginia Council had 
prepared for the president and council in Virginia were 
admirable. They ordered their agents to seek out a river 
that should be navigable for a long distance inland — if 
one could be found with a northwestern bend, so much 
the better, "for in that way you shall soonest find the 
other sea." In such a river they were to select an island, 
or other strong place, a hundred miles from the sea, if 
possible, where a vessel of fifty tons could lie at anchor 
near the shore. No site should be chosen which was 
overburdened with trees, " for all the men you have shall 

* Brown's Genesis, 1, 79, and Arbor's Works of Captain John Smith, p. xxxiii. 

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not be able to cleanse twenty acres a year, besides that 
it may serve for a covert for your enemies round about." 
They also were to avoid a low or moist situation. 

In flat contradiction of these instructions, the president 
and council picked out a low island or peninsula 1 which 
was bordered on one side by a swamp and was covered 
with a dense growth of splendid trees. In other respects 
the site was all that could be desired, for it was distant 
from the sea, and the water was so deep, close to the shore, 
that vessels could unload directly on to the land. On the 
westward end of this peninsula, a triangular fort was 
marked out, having three bulwarks, one at each corner, 
in which were placed four or five pieces of artillery. 

While the laborers and the seamen were building the 
fort and unloading the vessels, Newport, with a strong 
party, ascended the James River until he came to the falls 
where Richmond now stands. At that point he met 
Powhatan, the "emperor "of those regions. With true 
English hospitality, Newport regaled the astonished savage 
with beer, brandy, and wine, a combination which some- 
what staggered that potentate. In the absence of the 
explorers, the natives attacked the party at the fort ; they 
were beaten off, but not until four of the five councilors 
present had been wounded and President Edward Maria 
Wingfieid « had an arrow shot clean through his beard." 

Returning to England, Newport sailed directly across 
the Atlantic ; he left the James on July 2 and reached 
Plymouth on August 8 following. His reports were 
cheerful, 9 but the gold ore which he brought with him 

i See L. G. Tyler's Cradle of the Re- " The Site of Jamestown " in Virginia 
public, 29. This volume forms a useful Magazine of History, 1904. 
guidebook to the James River. See also * See his letter dated Plymouth, July 
C. W. Coleman's " Along the Lower 29, 1607. He says that he and his corn- 
James/' in The Century, xix, 323; and rades had discovered the country for 

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turned out badly. He suggested, however, that his samples 
had been taken from the wrong heap. It was, therefore, 
determined to send him back at once with recruits and 
supplies. The recruits were sorely needed, for Newport 
had hardly sailed from the Chesapeake before malarial 
fever attacked those whom he had left behind. When he 
anchored off James Fort, 1 in January, 1608, not one half of 
those whom he left there six months before were alive. 
Fever, Indian arrows, and hunger had combined to cut 
off the English intruders. Indian enmity by good man- 
agement might have been largely avoided; but malarial 
fever was certain to kill from fifty to sixty white men out 
of every hundred who came to the valley of the James, 
and starvation was almost equally certain to account for 
twenty-five more. At first sight it might seem that 
in 1607 one hundred men could have been taken across 
the Atlantic and set on shore in Virginia with sufficient 
food to keep them alive for six months; but the experi- 
ence of these early expeditions shows that such expec- 
tation was not likely to be fulfilled. Nor is this to be 
wondered at. In the first place, the ships of that day, as 
has already been pointed out, had not sufficient space for 
passengers and cargo. In the second place, there were no 
storehouses of food in England from which supplies could 
be drawn. The story of the sufferings of those who saved 
England from becoming a province of Spain is to the 
point. The letters of Burleigh and Walsingham in 
1588 2 show what preparations were made on that occa- 
sion: how sheep were bought, driven to the seacoast, 

near two hundred miles and found it Archer, and Smith called it Jamei Fort 

very rich in gold and silver. Northum- not Jamestown. See Arbor's Work$ of 

berland Ms*, in Royal Historical Mann- Captain John Smith, lvi, zli. 
script* Commission's Reports, iii, 54. *8ee "Armada Papers" in Navy 

* It is worth noting that Percy. Records Society's Publication*. 

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slaughtered, and salted ; how wheat was bought, ground 
into flour, and baked into bread. So it must have been 
with all the early expeditions ; those who had charge of 
them had to buy the meat on the hoof, the bread in the 
shock. The early fleets which sailed to Virginia were not 
even properly provisioned for the long roundabout voyage. 
Had not one half of the newcomers promptly died of 
fever or of pneumonia as the season of their arrival 
dictated, all, both old and new comers, would certainly 
have perished of starvation. There were fish in the river, 
oysters in the bay, and game in the forests, but the white 
invaders were neither fishermen nor sportsmen and the 
oysters were far away. The forest-clad region of their 
settlements could be brought under cultivation, but only 
with great labor. The hoards of the natives were the 
white man's only chance of life, but the North American 
Indian seldom had spare food on hand; for that which 
he possessed he was willing to risk his life. 

With men sick and starving, a gloomy river in front of 
them, a forest and a pestilential swamp at their back, and 
Indians, intent on killing, behind every convenient bush 
and tree, there was sore need of a leader, and at the fort 
on the James River there was none. With Gosnold's 
death, in September, 1607, all forbearance and sense of 
human kindness seems to have deserted the unfortunates. 
When Newport reached the post after his six months' 
absence, of the council only Ratcliffe and Martin were alive 
and at liberty. Of the rest Gosnold had died of disease, 
Kendall had been executed, and Wingfield * and Captain 

1 Wingfield was of good stock, if the the hostility of the starving men in the 

fact that his cousin married the Earl of fort on the James Hirer. At all events 

Southampton's widow proves anything, his harsh treatment by them seems to 

Like Southampton, he was believed to be have been undeserved. See Wingfield's 

a Roman Catholic; this idea possibly "Discourse" In Archmologia Americana. 
may have helped to rouse against him 

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John Smith were in custody, the latter awaiting execu- 
tion. 1 At one time Gabriel Archer, the secretary, had sug- 
gested that all the surviving members of the expedition 
should be taken into consultation; but this savored too 
much of democracy to be favorably received, — the estab- 
lishment of partial self-government came years later and 
then from the company in England. 9 

Newport reached James Fort on January 12, 1608. Two 
days later fire consumed the dwellings and storehouses on 
the shore. The Englishmen, living in tents and shelters 
made of boughs, soon sickened in the nipping cold and 
died. When he sailed for home, in the following April, 
more than one half of those who were living on Janu- 
ary 14 were dead. Since November, 1606, one hundred and 
ninety-seven persons had embarked in England for Vir- 
ginia ; of these only fifty-three were alive. It is needless 
to follow in detail the further history of these early years ; 
it is the story of an awful human tragedy in which men, 
women, and children 8 played their parts and laid down 
their lives. They were the first heroes of American history. 

While these scenes were enacting on the James River, 
t^e Plymouth members of the Virginia Company were by 
no means idle. In August, 1606, they sent Captain Challons 
across the Atlantic, and two months later dispatched 
Thomas Hanham and Martin Pring in another ship to act 

1 This bit of Virginia's history is best Plymouth. In one there was a council 

set forth in Alexander Brown's First Re- with sufficient power to hang the king's 

public, 54 and fol. subjects ; in the other the majority ruled. 

* In connection with his description Or compare New Netherland under the 
of this expedition, Gardiner (History of tyranny of the Dutch regime with the 
England, 11, 253) makes the extraordi- neighboring English colony of Connecti- 
nary statement that such enterprises cut, where the franchise, in those days, 
needed strong government and not repre- was most liberal, 
sentative institutions, a dictum which * The first marriage of white persons 
is in direct opposition to the teaching of in Virginia was solemnized at James- 
American history, as is evident from a town, In December, 1606. 
comparison of the history of Virginia and 

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1607-08] FORT ST. GEORGE 171 

with him. Challons pursued the extreme southern course, 
sailed straight into the midst of a Spanish fleet while it 
was shrouded in fog, and was captured when the mist 
cleared away. Hanham and Pring had better fortune and, 
returning safely home, made " a perfect discovery " of the 
northern coasts. In consequence of this favorable report, 
George Popham and Ralegh Gilbert, in two vessels, the 
Gift of God and the Mary and John, sailed for the northern 
part of Virginia in June, 1607. In August they anchored 
in the estuary of the Kennebec, which was then known 
as the Sagadahoc. This expedition was well supplied 
with artisans and laborers who built a fort, which was 
named St. George, and a pinnace, which was called the 
Virginia. In October and December the vessels returned 
home, carrying back to England all but forty-four persons. 
These remained with Popham and Gilbert to hold the 
post during the winter. One of the home-going ships 
also carried a letter from George Popham, which is inter- 
esting as showing the delusions under which the early 
comers to North America often labored. He says that 
" so far as relates to commerce, all the natives constantly 
affirm that in these parts there are nutmegs, mace, ^nd 
cinnamon, besides pitch, Brazil wood, cochineal, and am- 
bergris. . . . Besides, they positively assure me that there 
is a certain sea in the opposite, or western part of this 
province, distant not more than seven days' journey from 
our fort of St. George in Sagadahoc ; a sea large and wide 
and deep, of the boundaries of which they are wholly 
ignorant, which cannot be any other than the Southern 
Sea, reaching to the regions of China, which unquestion- 
ably cannot be far from these parts." * 

As to the suitability of the country for nutmegs, Pop- 

i Brown's Genesis, i, 146 ; Baxter's Gorges. 

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ham was undeceived when the cold weather set in. The 
freezing Englishmen piled the wood into their ill-con- 
structed stoves, and thereby set a fire which consumed 
their storehouse, with part of their food supply. George 
Popham, already an old man, and a few others, died ; but 
the mortality was not nearly as great as that which pre- 
vailed on the James. In 1608 a relief ship brought sup- 
plies and also tidings of the death of Sir John Popham 
and Sir John Gilbert, who had been the mainstays of the 
enterprise. Ralegh Gilbert decided to return to England, 
and his surviving companions either went with him or 
sought the fishing vessels off Newfoundland. At all events 
Fort St. George was abandoned, and that, says Strachey, 
"was the end of that northern colony on the river of 

The enterprise was a failure in both its branches. For 
years nothing more was done in the North ; in 1620 Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, Sir Francis Popham, Ralegh Gilbert, 
and their associates secured a new charter from the crown 
under the name of the Council for New England. An 
outburst of colonizing zeal in England saved the James 
River enterprise from extinction and gave to it new life. 

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I. General Bibliography. — It is only within recent years that it 
has been possible to make a scientific study of the early history of 
Virginia. Now, however, since the publication of numerous extracts 
from county and parish records in the fages of the Virginia Maga- 
zine of History j in the William and Mary Quarterly, and in the Lower 
Norfolk Antiquary, it is possible for a beginning to be made. As yet 
Philip Bruce's Economic History of Virginia and Alexander Brown's 
First Republic in America, and to some extent the brief narrative by 
Edward Eggleston in his Beginners of a Nation, stand apart from 
other Virginia books as being the first attempts to correlate this 

The records and official papers of the Virginia Company for the 
years covered by chapters vi and vii of this volume are lost Their 
place is only filled in part by the documents collected with admi- 
rable patience by Alexander Brown 1 and Edward D. Neill. 2 The 
student of Virginia history will always be grateful to these untiring 
accumulators of material, although he will not always find it pos- 
sible to agree with their conclusions. Campbell's Virginia is now 
antiquated and Fiske's Virginia and her Neighbours is largely 
founded on the same classes of material as Campbell. Like all of 
Fiske's works, it is interesting and stimulating. 8 

i Alexander Brown's Oenesis of the 
United States (2 vols., Boston, 1890) 
consists of documents extending to 1616 
arranged chronologically. These are of 
great value, although some of them hare 
been printed in earlier publications. The 
latter part of the second volume contains 
biographies of persons who had to do with 
early Virginia. These are exceedingly 
valuable. The same author's First Re- 
public in America treats of the early 
years and carries the story forward to 
1624. In this single volume Mr. Brown 
combines his own exposition with quota- 
tions from documents, many of which 
have never been printed. It is a work 
of reference, not of literature, and often 
loses in influence because of its intem- 
perate abuse of Captain John Smith, who, 
after all, accomplished a good deal in the 
world even if he depreciated the services 

of others and exaggerated the importance 
of his own doings. The title First Re- 
public is also regrettable inasmuch as it 
is historically untrue. William Wirt 
Henry and Alexander Brown have an 
interesting discussion as to the value of 
the First Republic in the Virginia Maga- 
zine of History, vol. vi. 

a B. D. NeiU's History of the Virginia 
Company of. London (Albany, 1869) and 
Virginia Vetusta (Albany, 1885). These 
books are really collections of notes and 
documents for the use of students and are 
exceedingly valuable. Neill also con- 
tributed a series of "Notes" to the 
William and Mary Quarterly. 

* Lists of the older books wiU be found 
in Winsor's America, vol. itt, ch. v. This 
chapter was written by R. A. Brock, at the 
time Secretary of the Virginia Historical 
Society ; he has also noted the sources in 

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IL Captain John Smith. — No fiercer controversy has ever raged 
around any character in American history, than has been fought over 
the credibility of Captain John Smith. Until within recent years 
the question of his truthfulness was of vital importance. Nowadays, 
owing to the documents contained in Alexander Brown's Genesis of 
the United States students are no longer obliged to rely on Smith's 
writings. A careful comparison of the dates and sequence of events 
as related by Smith and as given in the other original documents 
shows the utter unreliability of Smith's account entirely apart 
from the Pocahontas story. The best edition of Smith's writings 
is that of Edward Arber in the Scholar's Library, No. 16. It is 
noteworthy that Arber thinks the General History, which was 
printed sixteen years after the events therein described, is. more 
reliable than the True Relation, which was first printed in 1608. 
His reason for this opinion is that the General History was written 
for the press and the True Relation was not As to the relative im- 
portance of what historians call " conscious" and "unconscious" 
evidence, Arber disagrees with Henry Adams, Justin Winsor, Charles 
Deane, and Alexander Brown. Probably the most unfortunate 
aspect of " The Affair Smith " is that, unmindful of his descent 
from the revolutionary statesman, Patrick Henry, William Wirt 
Henry treated the controversy as a sectional matter and used it to 
stimulate Southern hatred of New England scholars. 1 

HI. Extension of the Common Law. — The extension of the Com- 
mon Law of England to the colonies has been many times affirmed by 
jurists of eminence. In 1720 Mr. West, legal adviser to the Board 
of Trade, declared that " the Common Law of England, is the com- 
mon law of the plantations, and all statutes in affirmance of the 
common law, passed in England, antecedent to the settlement of a 
colony, are in force in that colony, unless there is some private act 
to the contrary, though no statutes, made since those settlements, 
are there in force, unless the colonies are particularly mentioned. 

the Collections of the Virginia Historical Smith) , and his English Politics in Early 

Society, New Series, vii, Introduction. Virginia History. The other side is well 

1 The most important contributions represented in John Fiske's Virginia. 
on this subject are Charles Deane's edi- Smith's falsehood as to several inci- 

tion of the True Relation and Henry dents in his early life is adverted to by 

Adams's notice of it in the North Ameri- Lewis L. Kropf in the London Notes 

can Review for January, 1867, and Alex- and Queries for 1890 and American 

ander Brown's Genesis (especially ii, 784 Historical Review, iil, 737. 
and 1006), his First Republic (index under 

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Let an Englishman go where he will, he carries as much of law and 
liberty with him, as the nature of things will bear." Later, Attor- 
ney-general Charles Pratt and Solicitor-general Charles York, both 
of whom afterwards became lord chancellors, stated that " in respect 
to such places as have been, or shall be, acquired by treaty, or grant, 
from any of the Indian princes or government, your majesty's letters 
patent are not necessary ; the property of the soil vesting in the 
grantees, by the Indian grants, subject only to your majesty's right 
of sovereignty over the settlements, as English settlements, and over 
the inhabitants as English subjects, who carry with them your 
majesty's laws, wherever they form colonies, and receive your 
majesty's protection by virtue of your royal charters " (Chalmers's 
Opinions, i, 194). See also Chalmers's Introduction to the History of 
the Revolt, i, 308. 1 

In 1815 the question came before the Supreme Court of the 
United States in the case of the Town of Pawlet vs. D. Clark and 
others (Cranch's Reports, ix, 333). The opinion was given by Mr. 
Justice Story; the portion dealing with this topic is as follows: 
" Independent of such a provision [requiring the proceedings to be 
as consonant and agreeable to the laws and statutes of this our 
realm of England, as the present state and condition of our sub- 
jects inhabiting within the limits aforesaid and the circumstances 
of the place will admit] we take it to be a clear principle that the 
common law in force at the emigration of our ancestors is deemed 
the birthright of the colonies, unless so far as it is inapplicable to 
their situation or repugnant to their other rights and privileges. A 
fortiori the principle applies to the royal provinces." 

i 8m also Ez parte Anderson, Ellis and Ellis's Reports, iii, 204, 490. 

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The disasters on the James and the Sagadahoc damped 
the enthusiasm of the early investors in the Virginia 
enterprise ; but new men came to the front and with those 
of the old partners, who were willing to go on, made an- 
other trial. Of the new men, some were inspired by politi- 
cal motives, by the desire to establish an English sphere of 
influence in North America; others were dominated by 
that missionary spirit which has ever been the precursor 
or companion of English colonizing endeavors. The at- 
tempt to found a colony in Virginia appealed to these 
people as a national and Christian endeavor. 

The king was favorable to the new undertaking, and 
issued letters patent under the great seal creating a cor- 
poration to be known as the Virginia Company, and giv- 
ing it certain exemptions from export and import duties. 
In this second Virginia Charter, as it is usually called, the 
word "Virginia" has a more limited meaning than was 
given to it in the charter of 1606 ; but the new bounds of 
the colony were exceedingly vague. Point Comfort, which 
is now called Old Point Comfort, was the central point of 
the grant on the Atlantic shore. North and south "all 
along the seacoast " Virginia extended two hundred miles, 
and between the parallels of the ends of those two hun- 
dred miles its northern and southern limits ran " west and 
northwest" to the South Sea. The delightful vagueness 


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THE CHARTER OF 1609 177 

of these terminal bounds was of no importance in colonial 
days, as the Virginia Company was overthrown in 1624, 
before any dispute had arisen as to its territorial limits. 
There was never any judicial interpretation of this lan- 
guage ; but in 1620, while the Virginia Company was still 
in active existence, James gave a royal interpretation to 
it so far as it related to the northern boundary when 
he assigned the fortieth parallel to the Council for New 
England as the southern limit of its territory. Under the 
first charter the subscribers to the common stock had 
practically nothing to say as to the conduct of the enter- 
prise, and the failure of the earlier schemes had been attrib- 
uted to this cause. The king now removed this obstacle 
by placing the whole government of the corporation and 
its plantation in the hands of the stockholders. Finally, to 
attract subscriptions, the list of grantees was left open, in 
order that the names of late subscribers might be inserted 
therein. Three years later, in 1612, by the third Virginia 
Charter, James further enlarged these governing powers 
and provided for the holding of general meetings of the 
stockholders under the name of The Great and General 
Courts of the Council and Company of Adventurers for 
Virginia. The charter of 1609 belongs to a class of com- 
mercial letters patent of which the charter of the East 
India Company is the best example; it is altogether 
likely that Sir Thomas Smythe and his partners used the 
latter grant to show what provisions they wished to have 
inserted in their new patent. 1 

* The Virginia patents are in Charters Thomas Smythe's : " This is the article of 

and Constitution* of the United States, the letters patents : 2 whereof were 

ii. It is useful to compare them with the drawn by Sir Ed. Sandys himself" 

charter of the East India Company, which (Brown's Genesis t i, 47), Alexander 

is in Birdwood and Foster's Register of Brown has built up a fanciful struc- 

Letters [of the East India Company], ture. In this the charter of 1609 is made 

p. 163, and less perfectly in Purchases to appear as a liberal constitution and 

PUgrimes. Belying on a statement of Sir Sandys as a far-sighted statesman antici- 

vol i. — N 

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The new company at once set to work to raise money 
and recruits. Broadsides, 1 full of allurement and falsehood, 
were printed and distributed far and wide. When the 
condition of affairs on the James River is recalled, the 
assurances of Smythe, Sandys, and the other signers of 
these documents seem truly appalling. 9 The financial 
propositions set forth by the promoters of the enterprise 
are worth examination. In the language of those days, 
the planters were those who emigrated and staked their 
lives against the climate and the hardships inseparable 
from a new colony; the adventurers were those who 
stayed at home and risked their money in the venture. 
Each adventurer in the Virginia scheme who contributed 
twelve pounds ten shillings to the common stock of the 
corporation should be entitled to one share, 8 and each 
planter, whether man, woman, or child, above ten years 
of age, should also be entitled to one share. The hum- 
blest planter, even the exiled vagrant, was promised meat, 
drink, and clothing, with a house, orchard, garden, and 
one hundred acres of land for himself and each member 
of his family ; while clergymen, knights, and physicians, 
who could render special service, should receive larger 
amounts. At the end of seven years the assets of the 
company in lands, stock, and profits should be divided 
between the adventurers and the planters, according to 
the number of shares standing on the books of the com- 

pating the constructive work of later • See receipt for twelve pounds ten shil- 

times. Itags giving Lionel Cranfield (afterward 

1 Brown {Genesis, \, 248, etc.) brings Lord Treasurer and Earl of Middle- 
together documents of this kind. See sex) proportionate share in gold and 
also Massachusetts Historical Society's silver, etc., found in Virginia. Royal 
Proceedings, Second Series, ii, 243. Historical Manuscripts Commission's 

1 L. D. Scisco (American Historical Reports, lv, Appendix, p. 283 (De la 

Review, viii, 261) sums up the conditions Warr Mss.). 
of failure in what he terms " the Planta- 
tion type of colony." 

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pany in their names. Large contributions of money and 
swarms of proposing emigrants came to the great house 
in Phillpot Lane. In all, from the subscribers and from 
the proceeds of lotteries, about two hundred thousand 
pounds were collected between 1609 and 1624. 1 The 
money came from many directions, from the London com- 
panies, from municipal corporations, and from "Lords, 
Knights, Gentlemen, Merchants, and others," while all 
classes in the community were represented on the emi- 
grant ships which sought Chesapeake Bay. 9 To avoid, 
if possible, the disputations of the earlier time, Gates was 
appointed "sole and absolute governor." 8 

On June 2, 1609, nine vessels sailed from Plymouth, 
England, for the James River. 4 Sir Christopher Newport 
was again in command; with him in the Sea Admentwe 
sailed Sir Thomas Gates, Sir Thomas Dale, and John 
Rolfe, whose energy and skill were to assure the perma- 
nency of English colonization in America. As captains of 
the three largest vessels Ratcliffe, Martin, and Archer re- 
turned to the scene of their recent sufferings. The ships 

i This is the estimate in Wodenoth's 
letter as given in Brown's Genesis, i, 51. 

3 The emigrants of 1609 appear to 
have included in their number some un- 
savory characters. In 1610 referring to 
this expedition (Brown's Genesis, i, 355) 
the company states that "experience 
hath too dearly taught how much and 
many ways it hurteth to suffer parents 
to disburden themselves of lascivious 
sons, masters of bad servants, and wives 
of ill husbands, and so to clog the busi- 
ness with such an idle crew, as did thrust 
themselves in the last voyage." This 
relates solely to the 1609 voyage ; there 
is nowhere else in the papers of the Vir- 
ginia Company any confirmation of Cap- 
tain John Smith's stigma on the first 
comers that they were "broken down 
noblemen, decayed serving men, and the 
like." Indeed, he stands alone in his 

condemnation of his comrades. Prob- 
ably the early expeditions to the James 
River were made up of energetic men 
whose expectations were adventures and 
wealth, not too hardly acquired. They 
were not colonists in any sense of the 
word, but crossed the Atlantic to dis- 
cover the Northwest Passage and to pick 
up gold and silver along the shores ; but 
after 1610 the Virginia emigrants were 
colonists in the true sense of the word, 
and represented the several strata of 
English society. 

* See Professor Osgood's summary of 
the Instructions of 1609 in his American 
Colonies, 1,61. 

* On this voyage, see the account by 
Archer, which Brown (Genesis, i, 328) 
reprints from Purchas's Pilgrimes, iv, 

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bore about five hundred emigrants, including, probably, 
one hundred women and children. Before leaving the 
Thames the plague broke out on one of the vessels, but it 
had run its course before the James River was reached. 
Calenture, or virulent tropical fever, also appeared on one 
of the ships after the fleet left the Canaries, — thirty-two 
bodies were thrown overboard from these two vessels. As 
the fleet neared the end of its long, roundabout course 
the " taile of a West Indian horacano " struck it, and in 
forty-four hours sent one ship to the bottom and cast the 
Sea Adventure on the Bermudas. The other seven vessels 
straggled into the James, 1 and there the newcomers found 
a condition of woe which contrasted most painfully with 
the promises that had been made to them in England. 
Truly " the hand of God," as one writer expressed it, « was 
heavy on the enterprise." About one hundred white per- 
sons were still alive. They were dispersed and starving : 
some of them were living with the Indians ; others were 
near the oyster beds, twenty miles from Jamestown. 8 
The newcomers brought little or no food. Starvation, ma- 
laria, and pneumonia soon played their parts. In May 
of the next year two pinnaces unexpectedly sailed into 
the river bearing the survivors of the Sea Adventure. The 
tales of misery which were told them by those of the 
colonists who had outlived their fellows are without par- 
allel in the history of English colonization. The starving 

* That the Virginia voyage attracted sence from England caused remark in 
European interest is evident from the the House of Commons! of which he was 
note in the Ktilnische Zeitung for June a member. Probably no new writ was 
18, 1609, announcing the arrival of this issued on the ground that it was a grace, 
expedition in the Chesapeake, after ex- not a disgrace, to be a governor in Vir- 
periencing great misfortune at the hands ginia ; but the language is not perfectly 
of the Spaniards. See Virginia Maga- clear. This is the earliest record in the 
tine of History, v, 221. journals of either house of Parliament 

* Letter of Archer in Brown's Genesis, referring to the colonies. 8ee Common* 
i, 330. One of the leaders of this expedi- Journals, February 14, 1609 (i, 392). 
tion was Sir .George Somers. His ab- 

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1609-10] THE STARVING TIME 181 

settlers, like men on a wreck at sea, dogged the steps 
of the dying that they might fill their hungry bellies with 
the flesh of their dead comrades — some of them dug up 
the bodies of dead Indians and fed on the putrid flesh. 
Gates wisely decided to abandon the colony, at least for 
the time being ; but as he and the survivors were proceed- 
ing down the river they met Lord de la Warr fresh from 
England with food and recruits. So back they turned, 
and once more reoccupied the hated Jamestown. 

This was the lowest point in Virginia's story. In all, 
more than nine hundred persons had landed on the banks 
of the James River — of these about one hundred and fifty 
were still living in Virginia. These were seasoned to the 
climate, and formed the nucleus around which the colony 
developed. In 1611 Sir Thomas Gates, who had returned 
to England to stir the subscribers to new endeavors, again 
came to Virginia and remained in control there until 1614, 
when the permanence of the colony was assured. 1 His 
principal helpers in this accomplishment were Sir Thomas 
Dale, John Rolfe, and George Yeardley. De la Warr, in 
the short time of his stay in Virginia, had published a 
series of regulations which had been drawn up by the 
officials of the company in England. Dale had governed 
under them, and Gates republished the whole set with 
possibly some additions. This code is always known as 
Dale's Laws. The reason for giving them his name is not 
clear, but probably this unhappy distinction was conferred 
on the best of the early governors of Virginia because, as 
holding the office of marshal, it was his duty to punish 

1 Dale preceded Gates with supplies Gates, who remained until March, 1614, 
and recruits. He ruled the colonists when Dale resumed the command which 
from May to August, 1611 ; then came he held until April, 1616. 

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The " Articles, Laws and Orders, Divine, Politique, and 
Martial for the government of Virginia," * to give the 
code its full title, were based on the military laws of 
the Netherlands, in which hard school Gates, Dale, and 
Yeardley had been educated. The first thing which 
strikes the peruser is the spirit of religious intolerance 
which pervades them. For this the king must be held 
primarily responsible, owing to the conditions which were 
contained in the letters patent, providing that only per- 
sons who had taken the Oath of Supremacy could be 
transported to Virginia. This was designed to exclude 
Roman Catholics from the colony. The Articles provided 
that no one should speak against the Trinity under pain 
of death, and all newly landed emigrants should speedily 
repair to the minister and satisfy him of their religious 
soundness or receive a daily flogging until they did so. 
Religious service should be held daily, at which all the 
colonists must be present under pain of the loss of their 
rations for the first offense ; for the second, a whipping ; 
and for the third, service in the galleys for six months. 
Swearing in God's name, or derision of God's holy word, 
brought death. Profane cursers were treated with greater 
leniency : the first offense was punished with a whipping ; 

* Force's Tracts, iii. going to the plantation/ 1 and had so ex- 

In 1622 Captain John Bargrave pre- pressed himself in a letter to Captain 

sen ted a petition to the Privy Council John Martin. Probably, in the midst of 

reciting many alleged wrongful acts on the multifarious business enterprises in 

the part of Sir Thomas Smythe and his which he took part, Sir Thomas Smythe 

associates. Among other things he had slight knowledge of the details of 

charged Smythe with having printed Virginia business ; but he was the head 

" a certain book of tyrannical govern- of the company and must bear his share 

ment in Virginia " by which he meant of the responsibility. Sandys, also, can- 

these Articles. In April, 1624, Smythe not be dissociated from this chapter in 

replied, denouncing as a " bold slander " Virginia history, for he expressly lauded 

the charge that he printed the said book the services of Gates and Dale. Brown's 

which was done by the direction of the Republic, 225. 

Council for Virginia. For his part, he For Bargrave's petition and Smythe's 

had disliked the strictness of the code, reply, see Virginia Magazine of History, 

" fearing it would discourage men from vi, 226, 976. 

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1611] DALE'S LAWS 183 

for the second offense, a bodkin should be thrust through 
the offender's tongue; for the third offense, he should 
suffer death. Disrespect toward those in authority was 
equally reprobated and was punished with death for the 
third offense. 

At that time the colony was conducted as a military 
establishment; whatever the settlers produced went to 
the common stock, while they were fed and clothed from 
the company's storehouse. Much of this code relates, 
therefore, to the stealing of tools, to idleness, to the killing 
of domestic animals belonging to the company, and to the 
embezzlement of food by the company's employees. The 
knife, the lash, the galleys, and the gallows met the 
offender at every turn. As the times went, there was 
nothing especially bloody in these enactments, for nose- 
slitting, ear-cutting, the whipping-post, the pillory, even 
the peine forte et dwre^ were everyday matters in Eng- 
land. 1 The study of methods of dealing with crime in 
Shakespeare's day is distressing ; but justice to those who 
drew up the early penal laws for Virginia, Maryland, and 
New England demands that the reader should have some 
slight acquaintance with the subject. 

Seventeenth-century English county clerks were eco- 
nomical of words, although they might spell pretty much 
as they chose ; but for ten consecutive years in the middle 
of James's reign a conscientious hand held the pen in Mid- 
dlesex County sessions, and the results of his efforts have 
been printed. This court had cognizance of crimes in the 
country about the city of London, excluding the city itself. 
Probably the following figures should in each case be 

1 Extreme sentences, involving fine, of Star Chamber. See, for instance, Royal 
pillory, whipping, and personal hnmilia- Historical Commission's Reports, iii, 
tion, were also pronounced by the Court Appendix, 57. 

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doubled to give an adequate impression of the condition 
of things in the city of London and its immediate vicinity. 1 
In the ten years beginning with 1609 no less than seven 
hundred and thirty-six persons were hanged or pressed to 
death in the County of Middlesex, excluding London ; of 
these, seven hundred and four died by the rope, thirty-two 
of the peine forte et dure? of whom three were women. 
Between 1603 and 1625 ninety-two women were sentenced 
at the Middlesex sessions alone to be executed by hang- 
ing. There are signs, however, that even in the reign 
of the first Stuart the plain people — from whose good 
sense reform has usually proceeded — were beginning to 
have doubts as to the decency and expediency of the pub- 
lic execution of women by hanging. In those days the 
stealing of goods amounting in value to twelve pence or 
over was felony, which was punished by death and for- 
feiture of chattels ; juries therefore brought in verdicts in 
the case of women "guilty of stealing eleven pence half 
penny," the punishment of which was a fine. 

Three cases which occurred at the end of Elizabeth's 
reign illustrate the growing tenderness of juries and 
judges toward women and even toward men. In one 
of these a jury found a woman who was charged with 
larceny of goods to the value of six shillings guilty of hav- 

* These figures and cases are taken law stood, unless a person pleaded either 
from the Middlesex County Records, guilty or not guilty he or she could not be 
edited by J. C. Jeaffreson. The second convicted and sentenced to death and for- 
volume deals with the reign of James I. feiture of chattels. By refusing to plead, 
The statements contained in this sentence therefore, even a guilty person could save 
are taken from pp. xvii-xxii of the ex- his or her property for the family by dy- 
cellent Introduction to that volume; see ing in unutterable agony instead of by 
also Hamilton's Quarter Sessions, 30-33. hanging. With the substitution of the 

* The accused was placed on his or her whipcord for the heavy weights this 
back on the dungeon floor, and heavy practice continued in England until 
weights were piled on the chest. The the American Revolution. See Pike's 
object of this torture was to extort a con* History 0/ Crime in England, l t 210; 
fession, or failing that, to induce the ao- F. A. Inderwiok's Side-Lights on the 
cused person to plead not guilty. As the Stuarts, 338-346. 

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ing stolen eleven pence half penny's worth, and she was 
dismissed with a fine. At about the same time, two men 
were charged with stealing a tablecloth and a napkin 
which were valued together at six shillings ; one of them 
was hanged, the other was pressed to death. Moreover, the 
judges sometimes sentenced convicted felons to punish- 
ments less than death, and acted illegally in so doing. For 
instance, when three men were convicted of stealing lead 
to the value of five shillings, they were sentenced to sit in 
the stocks for three days, with papers signifying their 
crimes on their heads, be whipped from Newgate to Bride- 
well, and there be kept at hard labor as long as they lived. 
The most brutalizing punishments of the time were 
the public whippings. Stripped half naked and secured 
to the cart's tail or to the whipping-post, the culprits — 
women as well as men — were flogged until the blood 
streamed from their wounds. In fourteen months' time, 
in the period under consideration, seventy-one persons 
were condemned to whipping and branding for vagrancy 
in Middlesex alone; of whom twenty-one were women. 
After the whipping the vagabond was given his or her 
clothes and dismissed, with every chance of a speedy re- 
arrest and another whipping in a near-by town. Toward 
the end of James's reign, however, houses of correction 
were built in many parts of England, — among others in 
Middlesex. This last was not an attractive place of 
detention according to present-day ideas; but it was 
undoubtedly a great improvement over the roadside. 
According to the rules of the new institution, men and 
women were to be separated, but all were to work 
"hardly and incessantly" from six in the morning to 
seven in the evening, except the time given to praying 
and eating. The straw upon which they slept was to be 

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changed once a month and they were to have warm pot- 
tage thrice weekly. In making these arrangements the 
justices, no doubt, felt the lenient spirit of the new time. 
At all events the building was clean when it was opened, 
which was not the case with any of the older prisons, for 
these were foul in the extreme. Possibly as many persons 
perished from jail fever or the " pyning sicknes " as died 
on the gallows and in the pressing dungeons. 

Perhaps the most interesting remnant of mediaeval 
times which one comes across in these records is " benefit 
of clergy." * By this process the convicted felon, when the 
sentence of death was about to be pronounced, « called for 
the book," read his neck verse, was branded on the brawn 
of the thumb with the " Tyburn T," and dismissed a free 
man. An interesting case of the usefulness of "benefit 
of clergy " was that of Ben Jonson the playwright, who 
was charged with having killed Garibel Spencer, an actor, 
in a duel, with a five-shilling sword. He pleaded guilty, 
called for the book, read like a clerk, was branded and 
released. Their sex debarred women from "benefit of 
clergy," as they could not be clerks. Parliament now 

1 As is the case with most English and homicide, and after 1611 man- 
legal Institutions, "benefit of clergy" slaughter. Benefit of clergy was al- 
goes back to mediaeval days, when social lowed in felony for the first offense 
and political conditions were entirely un- only ; but notwithstanding the fact that 
like those which prevailed in later times, the iron was hot in the reigns of Eliza- 
In the Middle Ages the Church had courts beth and James, it was so easy to dis- 
of its own that dealt with misdeeds of guise the wound and so difficult to 
the clergy. When a clergyman, there- prove the identity of the person that 
fore, found himself in a secular court, he practically the well-to-do classes enjoyed 
proved his profession by reading, which considerable immunity. Benefit of clergy 
few persons except the clergy could do, continued in the colonies until the Bevo- 
and was turned over to the clerical au- lution ; it was abolished in Virginia, for 
thority. After the Church courts ceased instance, in 1796. Recorded cases of its 
to exercise effective jurisdiction over invocation are rare, but it was allowed 
clerical criminals, and after the ability in Virginia in 1670, the convict being 
to read ceased to be peculiar to the-clergy, burned in the hand. See Virginia Maga- 
benefit of clergy continued to be al- zine of History , ix, 44. 
lowed in cases of felony, except murder 

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1611-16] GATES AND DALE 187 

remedied this injustice by providing that the minimum 
limit of grand larceny, which was felony with the death 
penalty, in the case of women should be ten shillings, 
instead of one shilling which continued to be the limit 
for men. 1 

Sir Thomas Gates, Sir Thomas Dale, and George Yeard- 
ley, the new rulers of Virginia, were soldiers hardened to 
the usages of war, as exemplified in the Dutch school of 
William of Orange. They compelled the colonists to work 
as they had never worked before. They protected them 
from the Indians, they fed them, and punished them when 
they idled away the company's time. In 1612, while 
Gates was in active command, some discontented persons 
seized the two boats belonging to the colony, with the in- 
tention of escaping in them. Being captured, they were 
shot, hanged, or broken on the wheel, according to their 
forwardness in the plot. Dale at this time was waging 
war against the Indians, and this execution was probably 
the work of Gates and George Yeardley, the latter being 
in command of the garrison at Jamestown. Breaking on 
the wheel was a punishment which was seldom, if ever, 
inflicted in England or in the colonies outside of Virginia 
and New York, in both of which continental influences 
were strong. 

Virginia and the United States owe a great debt of 
gratitude to Sir Thomas Gates and his co-workers ; yet it 
may well be doubted if the James River colony would have 
long continued had it not been for the discovery of how 

* Blackstone's Commentaries on the sorting with an Egyptian, witchcraft, 

Law$ of England, bk. iv, ch. xvii. See removing the plate from an inn table, 

Giles Jacob's Law Dictionary and Coke's forgery, acknowledging bail in the name 

Third Institute. of another person who is not privy or 

The sum of twelve pence, or one consenting thereto, horse stealing, em- 
shilling, had been fixed in the reign of bezzling of records, murder, robbery on 
AtheUtan , when the value of money was the highway, burglary, and other offenses 
inconceivably greater than in 1000. Con- also were punished by death. 

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to grow tobacco with profit. At the time of the Vir- 
ginia enterprise tobacco sold in England for ten and even 
twelve shillings a pound, at which rate sixteen pounds of 
tobacco was the equivalent of a good horse. It was said 
that each year two hundred thousand pounds sterling 
went up in tobacco smoke. 1 The tobacco which was thus 
consumed was of Spanish production ; Englishmen, even 
in Virginia, refused to smoke the tobacco of that region. 
The reason for this distaste was the bitterness of Virginia 
tobacco, which was itself due to the crude methods em- 
ployed by the Indians in its cultivation and preparation. 
In 1609 John Rolfe left England for Virginia in the Sea 
Adventure and was wrecked on the Bermudas, but later 
reached the James. He was a man of substance and 
ability and discovered how Virginia tobacco could be 
cured for the English market. In 1616 a consignment 
from his plantation was sold at a good price in London, 
and the permanence of English colonization in America 
was assured. 

Upon Gates's return to England, in 1614, the management 
of affairs in Virginia devolved upon Dale, who remained 
there two years longer. In his time the seven years' 
period of the common stock came to an end and land 
was given to such of the old planters as were then living. 9 
The production of tobacco demanded the use of considera- 
ble tracts of ground, which in turn required immunity 

* This total is given in a petition for * Brown's Genesis, ii, 777. Campbell, 

an exclusive patent for inspecting to- in his Virginia (ed. 1860, p. 116), referring 

bacco. The petitioner would not proba- to Chalmers's Introduction to the Revolt, 

bly have exaggerated the amount. He 10, states that this reform was brought 

offered five thousand pounds per annum about through the influence of Dale, who 

to a courtier to secure an exclusive pat- was " one of the best of the early gov- 

ent for him. See Royal Historical Man- ernors." Dale, however, was only carry- 

uscripts Commission's Reports, iv, 288. ing out promises which had been made 

The date of the petition is March 23, years before, although possibly not in 

1613. that precise form. 

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from Indian attacks. This Dale secured by entering into 
an arrangement with the natives that upon the yearly 
payment to the Englishmen of two and one half bushels 
of corn for each Indian they should be free from further 
exactions. This arrangement secured peace for eight 
years, and was, to use Rolfe's words, " the foundation and 
groundwork of their thrift and happiness." l 

In 1616 Sir Thomas Dale followed Sir Thomas Gates to 
England. George Yeardley remained in Virginia in com- 
mand of the colony, but he was soon succeeded in that 
position by Sir Thomas Smythe's young kinsman, Samuel 
Argall. Dale entered the service of the East India Com- 
pany, fought a successful action in the East Indies with 
his old employers, the Dutch, and succumbed to an attack 
of the fever in 1619. 9 Up to the time of his departure 
from Jamestown, 1650 persons had sailed from England 
for Virginia, three hundred of whom had probably re- 
turned home. There were then living in the colony three 
hundred and fifty-one white persons, including sixty-five 
women and children. It follows from this computation 
that about one thousand persons had perished in Virginia 
or on the voyage thither. As the world views the acqui- 
sition of colonies, this was not an excessive price to pay 
for the overturn of Spain's title to one of the most valu- 
able bits of land to be found anywhere on the surface of 
the earth. 

Sir Thomas Smythe was no longer young and vigorous. 
He desired to be relieved of some of his burdens and 
turned over the management of the Virginia Company to 
Sir Edwin Sandys, 8 who was chosen treasurer in May, 1619. 

1 Rolfe's description of Virginia in *On Dale, see Brace's Economic 

1616 is in Virginia Historical Register, i, History, i, 215. 

107; Southern Literary Messenger for 8 There is no good life of Sandys. 

1839, etc. A. F. Pollard's article in the Dictionary 

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Son of that "obstinate and conscientious Puritan" 1 Edwin 
Sandys, Archbishop of York, the new treasurer of the 
Virginia Company was at the head of the reformers in 
Parliament. Edward Winslow, the Pilgrim, terms the 
younger Edwin « a religious gentleman." Taken in connec- 
tion with other facts, this remark makes it seem probable 
that the new treasurer was a Nonconformist. He cer- 
tainly was a radical by instinct, and this natural propen- 
sity had been fostered by his intercourse with his tutor at 
Oxford, Richard Hooker, the famous author of The Ecclesi- 
astical Polity? This great work was written to justify 
the existence of the State Church in England ; but into it, 
in one way or another, crept many ideas which savored of 
republicanism. As Hooker completed the several parts of 
the manuscript, he submitted them to Sandys and his friend 
George Cranmer for criticism, and some of the books were 
completed practically under their editorship. Indeed, it is 
sometimes difficult to determine whether The Ecclesiastical 
Polity reflects most strongly the views of master or of pu- 
pils. The modernity of these ideas may easily be seen by 
the perusal of the following sentences which were quoted by 
Locke in his second Essay on Government, — a work which 
powerfully influenced the course of American history. 

of National Biography is the best thing * The best edition of Hooker's great 

yet printed ; but Alexander Brown's note book is Church and Paget's The Works 

in the biographical portion of his Genesis of that Learned and Judicious Divine, 

of the United States is very good. Other Mr. Richard Hooker. 7th ed., 3 vols,, 

material is enumerated at the close of the Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1888. This edi- 

first of these articles. A vivid view of tion contains Sandys's " Notes to the 

Sandys's career can be gained by reading Sixth Book " and a learned dissertation 

the passages noted under " Sir Edwin on the authorship of that part of the 

Sandys " in the Index to the Journals work. Sidney Lee's article on Hooker 

of the House of Commons and all the in the Dictionary of National Biography 

references to Sandys in Alexander will meet the needs of most students. 

Brown's First Republic. S. R. Gardiner, At the end of this article is a critical 

in his History of England, necessarily note on the biographical works descrip- 

gives a good deal of space to Sandys. tive of Hooker's life. 

1 This is Pollard's phrase, in the Dic- 
tionary of National Biography. 

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To Hooker the natural equality of man was so evident 
that he scarcely tried to justify it ; " seeing those 
things which are equal must needs all have one measure. 
. . . My desire, therefore, to be loved of my equals in 
nature as much as possible may be, imposeth upon me a 
natural duty of bearing to themward fully the like affec- 
tion. From which relation of equality between ourselves 
and them that are as ourselves, what several rules and 
canons natural reason hath drawn for direction of life, no 
man is ignorant." Political society was formed to sup- 
ply those defects which were inherent " in us living singly." 
Society demanded government and government demanded 
law. As to the law, it must be obeyed unless "the law 
of reason, or of God, doth enjoin the contrary." Some 
years later, in 1614, the Journals of the House of Com- 
mons attribute to Sandys the assertion that monarchy was 
elective, for he said, " No successive king, but first elected. 
Election double of person and care ; but both come in by 
consent of people, and with reciprocal conditions between 
king and people." * In these disjointed notes of the clerk 
of the Commons, one finds the whole thesis of "govern- 
ment by compact." In truth, Sandys and those nearest 
to him were the forerunners of the radicals of the New 
Model Army 2 who demanded a « law paramount," or con- 
stitution. In all the parliaments of James there was no 
more active reformer than he. In his Swrvey of Religion in 

* Journals of the Commons, i, 403; especially vol. iii, Jenks's Puritan 

Gardiner's History of England, ii, 240. Experiments, and Borgeaud's Rise of 

See also ch. viii of the present work, Modern Democracy should be read by 

Note IV. all who wish to trace the rise of the 

s On this whole subject of the politi- modern state. Gardiner's Introduc- 

cal theories of the Puritans, see the tion to his Constitutional Documents 

Clarke Papers in the publications of the of the Puritan Revolution shows the 

Camden Society (now included in those points of resemblance between the " law 

of the Royal Historical Society). Mr. paramount 1 ' of the Protectorate and the 

Firth's introduction to that volume is full Constitution of the United States, 
of instruction. Gardiner's Civil War, 

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the Western Parts of the World he had argued for fairness 
toward Roman Catholics. He now endeavored to retain 
the Nonconformists in the Established Church by granting 
to them the substance of the demands which they had put 
forward in the " Millenary Petition " and at the Hampton 
Court Conference. But the bills which he introduced for 
that purpose were so mutilated in the Lords that he with- 
drew them. Spurred on possibly by this disappointment, 
he declared in the House that " matters were carried, by 
the cunning of lawyers, clean contrary to the meaning of 
the House in matters ecclesiastical." l This statement met 
with general approval, for the Speaker, when he sought to 
free the lawyers of this charge, was interrupted and not 
allowed to speak. Sandys had been a student at the 
Middle Temple, but he seems to have had a poor opinion 
of the law, or at least of the way in which it was admin- 
istered. On one occasion he even had the temerity to 
suggest in the Commons that all persons accused of crime 
should be permitted to employ counsel in their defense ; 
but this proposition was rudely brushed aside on the 
ground that granting it would "shake the corner stone 
of the law."* 

Many things in England besides religion were crying 
aloud for reformation, and to these Sir Edwin also ad- 
dressed himself. Among them few attract the attention 
of the modern student more certainly than wardships. 8 
Like other relics of feudalism, in their time and place 
wardships were fitting enough, but in the reign of James 

1 For Sandys as a religions reformer, Law, i, 324-357; Reeves's History of Eng- 
see Journals of the Commons, i, 265, 311, lish Law, iii, 806-811. 

etc., and Spedding's Life and Letters of 8 Memoirs of the Verney Family, i, 

Francis Bacon, iii, 264. 113. 8ee also Gardiner's History of Eng- 

2 See Gardiner's History of England, land, i, 171, 174; Spedding's Bacon, iii, 
1,123-127, 12^-132,339; Pike's History of 176-180, 210; and the Journals of the 
Crime, ii, 89-96; Stephen's Criminal House of Commons. 

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they were a public and private scandal. To free England 
from the curse of wardships, feudal tenures, and purvey- 
ance was Sir Edwin Sandys's ambition. He failed to 
effect his object, for James, with his Scottish obstinacy, 
refused to give way except on terms which could not be 
accepted. It is noteworthy, however, that these incidents 
of feudalism scarcely ever prevailed in the colonies. 

Sir Edwin Sandys was also interested in the overthrow 
of monopolies and the introduction of freedom of trade. 
For years he struggled, and always unsuccessfully, for at 
every turn the king's prerogative and the royal will ap- 
peared and proved insurmountable. Each rebuff drove 
Sandys farther away from the position of an upholder of 
monarchical institutions, until it is possible that the form 
of the Genevan state, as it had been worked out by Calvin 
and his immediate successors, may have secured some hold 
on his imagination and desire, but the subject is by no 
means clear. What is clear now and should have been in 
1619 was the unfitness of Sir Edwin Sandys for the position 
of chief administrator of the Virginia Company. For if 
there was one position in England which should have been 
occupied by one who had the confidence of the king, that 
place was the executive head of the colonizing enterprise 
whose success depended in very great measure upon the 
good will of the reigning monarch. 

Another man with whom the student of colonial his- 
tory becomes familiarly acquainted is Robert Rich, who 
became successively Lord Rich and Earl of Warwick. 1 
His mother was Penelope Devereux, sister of Elizabeth's 
favorite, Walter Devereux, Earl of Essex ; his brother, 

1 For an appreciative account of War- lows : " He lived in times of transition 

wick, see F. E. Greville's (the Countess and confusion, and he played a promi- 

of Warwick) Warwick Castle and its nent and, upon the whole, a creditable 

Earls, i. She sums up his career as fol- part in them." 

vol. i. — o 

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Henry Rich, Earl of Holland, in later years became the 
favorite of Henrietta Maria, Queen of Charles I, and his 
kinsman, Nathaniel Rich, played an important part in the 
founding of Virginia. Warwick's son, moreover, married 
Sir Thomas Smythe's daughter, without the latter gentle- 
man's knowledge or consent and rather to his dismay. 
Warwick early became interested in the Virginia Com- 
pany. Fond of maritime matters, he seems to have set on 
foot trading expeditions to Virginia in cooperation with 
prominent members of the corporation, and probably with 
the consent of that body, although no documents justifying 
this statement have been preserved to the present time. 
Warwick, following the example of Ralegh and Drake, 
also sought to make spoil of the Spaniard. To save 
himself from charges of piracy, he secured commissions 
from the Duke of Savoy which authorized his captains to 
prey on the Spaniards. The operations of his ships inter- 
fered with the trade of the East India Company and ended 
in the seizure of two of them by the company's captains. 
For this Warwick demanded twenty thousand pounds, a 
claim which Sir Thomas Smy the regarded as " altogether 
impertinent." 1 In this way began an estrangement be- 
tween the two fathers-in-law which was soon complicated 
by a curious turn in the fortunes of Samuel Argall, « that 
ingenious and forward " young kinsman of Smythe. For 
some years Argall had been employed by De la Warr and 
Warwick and others as commander of the ship Treasurer. 
In 1617 he was sent to Virginia as governor, in succession 
to George Yeardley, who was administering the govern- 
ment after the retirement of Sir Thomas Dale. 

Like all these early governors, Argall found everything 
in confusion in the colony. The buildings, fortifications, 

1 Calendar* of State Papers, East Indies, 1617-1621, No. 781 and fol. 

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and boats belonging to the company he described as " much 
ruined," * while the colonists appeared to be cheerful, al- 
though "many have scarce rags to cover their naked 
bodies." Similar sights met each succeeding governor, 
and such travelers as returned to England and recounted 
their Virginia experiences said the same thing. Probably 
their eyes, fresh from English trimness, failed to make due 
allowance for the inevitable rudeness of colonial conditions. 
" James Citty " was a small collection of hovels, defended 
by a stockade, and remained so for years, notwithstanding 
the efforts of company and king. 

Argall seems to have come out with some intention of 
securing repayment of the money which his patrons had 
put into Virginia by getting possession of whatever public 
property had a pecuniary value. In this endeavor he 
had a measure of success, if one can judge from the 
complaints of the non-participating members of the cor- 
poration. Besides doing this, Argall ruled the Virginians 
as might be expected from an arbitrary and successful 
naval captain. In 1617, for instance, he sentenced one 
man to death for stealing a calf and running away to 
the Indians, and another, a certain John Hudson, to be 
" exiled and banished, and if he returns to be put to death 
without further judgment." What John Hudson's offense 
was is not known, but the moral condition of the colo- 
nists certainly needed a strong curb, if one may judge by 
a perusal of Conway Robinson's notes from the Virginia 
records. Either his severity or his successful financial 
dealings or both in combination procured the filing of 
charges against Argall ; but warned in time, 2 he left Vir- 

1 Rolfe to Sandys, Virginia Magazine 1619, says of Argall 's arrival there, " It 

of History, x, 136. seemeth he came secretly." On Argall 

3 Robert Cushman (Cushman Gene- and his career, see Dictionary of Na~ 

alogy), writing from London, May 8, Hanoi Biography, Brown's Genesis, ii, 

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ginia and returned unharmed to England. Once there, 
he courted the fullest investigation, but nothing was ever 
proved against him. It is not at all impossible that the 
evil name which has been given to Argall was due largely 
to the machinations of the Spanish ambassador and to 
Yeardley's desire to justify himself for his hasty charges 
against his rival. In 1620 Argall became a member of 
the Council for New England, and two years later was 
knighted by King James. In the first year of Charles's 
reign he sailed against the French at the head of a fleet of 
twenty-four vessels, and disappears from recorded history. 
Warwick at the moment seems to have thought that Sir 
Thomas Smythe was disposed to sacrifice Argall, and 
warmly espoused the latter's cause. It was in wranglings 
like this over personal and pecuniary matters, and not 
over political theories, that the disputes between the 
leaders in the Virginia Company originated. 1 

Sir Edwin Sandys and his friends were now in con- 
trol of the company. Smythe and Warwick had sunk 
enough money in the enterprise. If Sandys and his 
friends wished to undertake the impossible, let them do 
so, — at least, that is the way the case seems to stand 
in those records which have survived accident and human 
design. The new rulers of the company breathed fresh 
life into the venture and conducted it on a new basis. 
Sandys and Southampton turned to Virginia as a field for 

and, above all, Massachusetts Historical 1 Alexander Brown (First Republic, 

Society's Collections, Fourth 8eries, ix, 557 note) says, "The parties in the com- 

11-59, notes. It is noteworthy that Sandys pany had originated in disputes over 

thought it necessary to clear himself of business matters, auditing accounts, the 

the charge of setting the Spanish ambas- magazine, the tobacco contracts, etc., 

sador against Argall (Virginia Company and not in opposition to the popular 

Records, i, 72). The cases of severe charters." It is unfortunate that he 

punishment given in this paragraph are uses the word " parties " to describe these 

from Conway Robinson's abstract of the factions. 
Court Records, i, 138, 143 (Ms. in the 
Virginia Historical Society at Richmond). 

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1618] SANDYS'S POLICY 197 

social and philanthropic experiment, in which, perhaps, re- 
ligion may have had some slight part. It is not unlikely 
that they expected that groups of colonists in different 
parts of Virginia would become practically self-governing, 
each group managing its religious concernments, as well 
as its civil affairs, in its own way. 

The second part of the plan which Sandys and his 
friends seem to have had in mind was the establishment 
of landed proprietors in Virginia. The general idea was 
to give fifty acres of land to every one who should 
transport one person to the colony. The instructions 
embodying this provision were issued while Smythe was 
still treasurer, and this arrangement remained the basis of 
the Virginia land system throughout the colonial period. 
In making provision for the future, the company also pro- 
posed to do justice to the survivors of the first colonists 
by giving them larger quantities of land. Finally, in the 
requital of services rendered or to encourage emigration, 
the company also granted considerable tracts of land to 
groups of persons or to individuals. They also gave the 
holders of these large grants power in the way of gov- 
ernment, and made them independent of the company's 
officers at Jamestown. Cases of this kind, which will 
be noticed hereafter, were the grants to the Pilgrims, to 
Captain John Martin, and to John Smith of Nibley 1 and 
his associates. 

The third part of the scheme was the securing a mo- 
nopoly of the tobacco market of England to the company, 
or to some of its members. A fourth part of the plan 
contemplated that the company, or some of its members, 

1 Among other proposed colonists was dnoed In facsimile by A. 8. Clark) . Wal- 

a body of Walloons. See "Agreement loon emigrants later (1623) songht New 

signed at The Hague, 19 July, 1621," in Netherland, but none came to Virginia, 
the form of a "Bound Robin" (repro- 

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should enjoy the whole trade of the colony. This was to 
be done by sending out " magazine ships " from which the 
settlers could obtain their supplies and to which they could 
sell their tobacco. The scheme in its entirety possessed 
great possibilities. Practical freedom of government, 
practical freedom of religion, and practical monopoly of 
the English tobacco trade were offset by the necessity of 
paying a small quit-rent on the land obtained from the 
company and of confining buying and selling to the maga- 
zine ships. The scheme, however, failed. Warwick and 
Smythe made up their feud ; they and their friends turned 
on the Virginia Company and brought about its overthrow 
in the hope, perhaps, that from the wreckage they might 
get back a part of the money which they had sunk in the 

On one of the last days of April, 1619, Sir George 
Yeardley landed at Jamestown. Soon after his arrival, 
in conformity with his instructions, he issued a procla- 
mation * directing the inhabitants of each place and plan- 
tation to elect two burgesses to a general assembly to be 
held at Jamestown. On July 30 the assembly 9 met in 
the wooden church at Jamestown. There were present 
the governor, the councilors, and twenty-two burgesses, 
representing eleven places, three of which were denomi- 
nated cities. The session was opened with prayer, and 
all the burgesses, " none staggering at it," took the Oath 
of Supremacy. The House of Commons in England had 
wrested from the king the right to judge of the quali- 

1 Brown's First Republic, 312. The first paper in this volume is " A Re- 

2 Colonial Records of Virginia [edited port of the Manner of proceeding. in the 
by T. H. Wynne and W. S. Oilman]. General Assembly con vented at James 
This is sometimes cited as Senate Docu- Citty in Virginia, July 30, 1619." See 
ment (Extra) , 1874, as it was printed also Sainsbury in the Antiquary for 
by the general assembly of Virginia. July, 1881. 

Bruce, for instance, cites it in this way. 

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fications and elections of its own members. So here 
the assembly at once proceeded to exercise the privileges 
which in England belonged to the Commons, and ques- 
tioned the right of the burgesses from Captain Ward's 
and Captain Martin's plantations to sit in the House. It 
appeared that Captain Ward had " squatted " on the com- 
pany's land ; on promising to obtain a regular title he and 
the other burgess from his plantation were permitted to 

The case of Captain John Martin was more complicated. 
He had been one of the first comers to Virginia and a mem- 
ber of the first council, and had powerful connections in 
England, as his brother-in-law, Sir Julius Caesar, was 
Master of the Rolls and a much trusted member of the 
Privy Council. Although Martin's sister had been dead 
many years, and Caesar, in the interval, had had two other 
wives, he continued to manifest a strong interest in the 
colonizing captain and his affairs. In its grant to Captain 
Martin, 1 the Virginia Company had authorized him to 
govern and command all persons whom he should trans- 
port to Virginia or who should be sent to him, free from 
any control by the colony except it be to assist against 
any foreign or domestic enemy. The assembly voted that 
Captain Martin should either give over that part of his 
patent, or the burgesses from his plantation should with- 
draw from the assembly. He refused to abandon his 
peculiar privileges, and his representatives were dismissed. 
These preliminaries arranged, the assembly proceeded to 
legislative business. As the laws which they passed were 
the first to be made by a legislative body in America, it 
will be well briefly to notice them. 

* Documents and discussions relating to this case are in Virginia Magazine of 
History, vii, 136, 268. 

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In general, it may be said that the assembly sought to 
adapt English practice to Virginian conditions without 
much regard for "Dale's Laws." As to religion, for ex- 
ample, it was provided that all clergymen should read 
divine service and perform their ministerial functions ac- 
cording to the laws and orders of the Church of England. 
Every one in the colony should attend divine service on 
Sundays, both forenoon and afternoon, or forfeit three shil- 
lings for each absence, which should go to the use of the 
Church ; servants, however, in case their absence were due 
to disobedience of their master's commands, should suffer 
bodily punishment. Idleness, gambling, drunkenness, and 
"excess in apparel" were vigorously reprobated. The 
idler might be bound to serve for wages until he showed 
signs of amendment ; the gambler should pay ten shillings 
and forfeit his winnings, if any ; the drunkard for the first 
offense should be privately reprimanded by the minister ; 
for the second offense he should lie in the bolts, or bilboes ; 
for the third offense he should undergo such severe punish- 
ment as the governor and council might determine. The 
legislators' attention was directed to excess in apparel by 
the appearance of a freed servant in a beaver hat with a 
band of pearls. To curb this tendency to wasteful display, 
it was enacted that a man should be taxed in the Church 
for all public contributions ; if he be single, according to 
the appearance of his outer clothing ; " if he be married, 
according to his own and his wife's or either of their 

Among the few reforms which James Stuart allowed 
to appear on the Statute Book of England was a law 
directed against profane swearing, 1 which Sandys thought 

1 21 Jao. i, G. 20. The penalty was twelve years of age, a whipping by the 
a fine of one shilling for use of the poor or constable or by the parent in his pres- 
the stocks ; or if the offender was nnder ence. 

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1619] A NEW SET OP LAWS 201 

would not be of great service because the upper classes 
were the worst offenders, and for them the penalties 
attached were small. 1 The Virginia assembly, acting pos- 
sibly on instructions from England, provided that every 
master of a family who persisted in swearing should give 
five shillings for the use of the Church, while a servant 
who cursed should be whipped unless the master "re- 
deemed his back " by paying the fine, or the servant pub- 
licly acknowledged his fault in the church. Whether this 
law was of much value, or, in fact, was ever vigorously 
enforced, nowhere appears in the scanty records which 
have been preserved. 

The production of tobacco was the one employment in 
Virginia in the prosecution of which there was certain 
profit. Nowadays, under these circumstances, every effort 
would be made to foster such a wealth-producing indus- 
try. In those days, however, men thought differently; 
and the assembly, acting in harmony with the Virginia 
Company in England and with the English government, 
sought to restrict the production of tobacco and to stimu- 
late that of silk, flax, and wine, and particularly the grow- 
ing of sufficient food for the needs of the colonists. For 
instance, to foster the silk culture every planter each year 
for seven years should plant and maintain six mulberry 
trees under penalty of censure by the governor and council. 

Besides these legislative acts, the assembly sat as a 
court of law in two cases. The first of these was that of 
Thomas Garnett, who by false accusation had sought to 
bring about his master's downfall. For this he was sen- 
tenced to stand in the pillory for four days with his ears 
nailed to the board, be publicly whipped on each of those 
days, and make such satisfaction to his master as the gov- 

* Commons Journals, i, 548. 

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ernor and council should deem appropriate. The other 
case was that of Captain Henry Spellman, who had spoken 
slightingly of the new governor ; for this he was degraded 
from his office and sentenced to act as interpreter for one 

The manner of holding this assembly is described by 
the secretary of the colony as if the burgesses and the 
council played somewhat different parts. He says that 
the governor "being set down in his accustomed place, 
those of the Council of Estate sat next him on both 
hands, except only the Secretary, then appointed Speaker, 
who sat right before him." This information comes to 
us from John Pory, who describes himself as holding 
these two important offices. As the assembly, governor, 
council, and burgesses put together, numbered only some 
twenty-five or thirty persons, the ceremonies described by 
the recorder would seem to have been excessive, especially 
in view of the fact that the governor took an important 
part in the legislative work of the body. Possibly, from 
infirmity of memory, Mr. John Pory assigned to himself 
a somewhat over prominent part. Be this as it may, the 
assembly of 1619 is of first importance in our annals; it 
was, indeed, the "mother" of the American representa- 
tive legislature. 

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L The Virginia Records. — When the government definitely made 
up its mind to destroy the Virginia Company, it impounded the 
records and other papers. These have not yet come to light, but the 
Historical Commission may any day bring them to notice. Alexan- 
der Brown {English Politics in Early Virginia History, 68) states that 
"James I. left no stone unturned in the effort to find and to have 
destroyed all evidences which were favorable to the popular course 
of government " in the Virginia Company. He brings forward noth- 
ing which can be termed evidence to support this view. In the 
absence of such evidence it does not seem likely that James would 
have exhibited in this instance a constancy of purpose which was 
quite foreign to his character. Probably the papers are still mold- 
ering away in some attic or cellar. Before handing over the record 
book a transcript was made which in a curious way has come 
into the Library of Congress. This has never been printed in full, 
but the needs of all save the most exacting are filled by the 
" Abstract of the Proceedings of the Virginia Company of London, 
1619-24 " which was printed in the Collections of the Virginia His- 
torical Society, New Series, vols, vii, viii. 

n. The Great Charter. — The Instructions of 1618 are sometimes 
called the Great Charter by Virginia writers, notably by Edward 
Eggleston and Alexander Brown. The term is also said to be used 
in some of the land grants. It applies probably to the instructions 
to Yeardley, which were drawn up in England (November 28, 1618) 
when Sir Thomas Smythe was still treasurer. Brown (First Re- 
public, 266, 293) says that similar instructions were given to Lord 
De la Warr in 1617 ; but of this he gives no proof. The question 
of the genesis of the form and matter of the Instructions of 1618 
may be doubtful. There can be no doubt whatever as to the great 
importance of the document itself; although the comparison with 
Magna Charta may be overdrawn. These instructions contain the 
provision, as we infer from what was done under them, which author- 
ized Yeardley to summon the assembly of 1619, which was the fore- 
runner in America of all legislative assemblies. The instructions 
themselves also became the precedents for the later instructions, not 
merely while the company continued to live, but under the crown as 
well. In this way the form of government established by Sir Thomas 

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Smythe, Sir Edwin Sandys, and their co-workers in 1618 became the 
model on which the constitution of the royal province of the later 
time was worked out; but this was due largely to the fact that it 
reproduced in a colony the essential features of the political organi- 
zation of England itself. The Instructions of 1618, so far as they 
have been preserved, are printed in Virginia Magazine of History, ii, 
164. There is no evidence in any contemporaneous document which 
has so far come to light that the assembly of 1619 was called in re- 
sponse to a demand from Virginia, as stated by John Fiske in Vir- 
ginia and her Neighbours. Its summoning was due to the liberal 
ideas of the leaders in the company in England and also, perhaps, to 
the hope that a freer government in the colony might attract settlers. 
HI. Emigration to Virginia. — The following figures have been 
compiled from Alexander Brown's First Republic : — 

1606-1625 6649 emigrants left Eng- 
land for Virginia 

Or to go into detail : — 

1606-1609 320 emigrants sailed for 

1606-1618 1800 emigrants sailed 
for Virginia 

1619-1620 1200 emigrants sailed 
(12 months) for Virginia 

1095 colonists were living 
in Virginia in 1625 

Of these from 80 to 100 
were alive in Virginia 
in July, 1609 

Of these 600 were living 
in Virginia at end of 

Of these 1000 died on 
voyage or in the colony 
before April, 1620 

From 1622 to 1623, just twelve months, 347 persons perished in 
the Indian massacre and nearly 1000 died of disease or starvation on 
the way to Virginia or in the colony. 

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During the years 1618 to 1624, Sandys, Southampton, 
and Nicholas Ferrar were supreme in the company's 
affairs. They made great and successful efforts to send 
over colonists and supplies ; in three years' time no fewer 
than 3570 emigrants crossed the Atlantic to Virginia. 
As there were six hundred white persons living in the 
colony at the beginning of this period, the total number 
of human beings to be accounted for is 4170. In March, 
1622, before the Indian massacre, there were living in Vir- 
ginia twelve hundred English colonists, showing that in 
three years nearly three thousand persons had perished 
from disease and starvation. 1 The "massacre" cost the 
lives of three hundred and forty-seven more. Instead of 
carefully searching out the causes of these disasters, the 
company continued to pour settlers into the colony ; but 
in 1624, when a careful enumeration was made, there were 
only 1232 colonists alive, including in this number twenty- 
three negro slaves. 2 The years of the Sandys-Southampton 

1 Brown's Republic, 464. Sandys's those given in the Virginia Magazine : 

description of the colony in 1619 is in " Inhabitants. Free, 432 males and 176 

Virginia Company Records, i, 64. females ; servants, 441 males and 46 

3 Virginia Magazine of History and females ; total, 1095 emigrants, 107 chil- 

Biography, vil, 364. The reports upon dren, making 1202 English; 2 Indians; 

which this statement is based were taken 11 negro men, 10 women, and 2 children 

to England by Captain John Harvey in =23 negroes. Grand total, 1227." See 

the spring of 1626 ; they probably reflect also Wynne and Oilman, Colonial Reo- 

the condition of the colony in the antnmn ords of Virginia, 37 : " Lists of the Iiv- 

and winter of 1624-25. Brown (First inge & Dead in Virginia," February 16, 

Republic, 611-628) gives long abstracts. 1623 [February 26, 1624, N.8.]. John 

His figures are slightly different from Flake's statement that there were at 


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rule were for the most part a season of hardship and dis- 
tress in Virginia comparable only to that earlier starving 
time which has been so graphically described by the 
Virginia annalist, William Stith. 

In writing of Virginia in the earliest years, one is 
obliged to rely partly on what may be termed hostile 
testimony, but the following statements as to the condi- 
tion of Virginia in this later period are derived from 
members of Sir Edwin's own family, whom he sent to 
Virginia, partly, no doubt, that he might get at the truth, 
and partly from that stain of nepotism which is always 
so apt to become rife in political and business life. 
These witnesses are George Sandys, Sir Edwin's brother, 
whom he appointed treasurer in Virginia ; his niece, 
Margaret Sandys, wife of Sir Francis Wyat, whom he had 
sent over as governor in succession to Yeardley ; and Wyat 
himself. 1 George Sandys, writing in March, 1623, stated 
that five hundred colonists had recently died and there 
"were scarcely as many left, so that the living could 
hardly bury the dead." Everything had failed, shipbuild- 
ing and glassmaking included, and a pestilent fever was 
then raging. Sir Francis Wyat, the governor, wrote that 
there was an antipathy between the commands of the 
company and the doings of the colonists ; he wished " little 
Mr. Ferrar " were in Virginia, " that he might add to his 
zeal a knowledge of the country." Lady Wyat, in a letter 
to "Sister Sandys," tells her that the ship in which she 
had voyaged to Virginia had been " so pestered with peo- 

least 4000 people in Virginia in 1622 is Council to the company, Virginia Maga- 
doubtless a copyist's error (Virginia zine, vi, 236, 374. These official letters 
and her Neighbours , i, 189). are less despondent in tone than the 
1 Royal Historical Manuscripts Com- others, but contain some energetic re- 
mission's Eighth Report, Appendix ii, 99, marks on the management of the trans- 
40, 41. See also Wyat and the Virginia portatioii of supplies and emigrants. 

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pie and goods ... so full of infection that after a while 
they saw but little but throwing folks overboard ; " few 
were left alive when they anchored off Jamestown. Once 
landed, she found little to encourage her, and asked for 
the speedy sending of supplies, especially of bacon and 
cheese, for the cattle as well as the men had per- 
ished on the way over. When the wife of the governor 
fared thus ill, what must have been the lot of the ser- 

The twelve hundred or thirteen hundred colonists living 
in Virginia in 1624 were scattered through nineteen settle- 
ments, ranging in size from Wariscoyack, with two houses 
and eight inhabitants, to Elizabeth City, with sixty-nine 
houses and two hundred and fifty-seven inhabitants, — 
James City at that time had thirty-three houses and a 
total population of one hundred and seventy-five souls. 
In all there were two hundred and seventy-eight houses 
in Virginia. The reports further contain many interest- 
ing details as to supplies and munitions, from which the 
following articles have been noted as illustrating the dif- 
ferent phases of colonial progress, or lack of it: 2288 
barrels of corn, 58,380 pounds of fish, 364 head of cattle, 
509 pigs, 220 goats, 1 horse, 775 hens, 40 boats. One silk- 
worm house and a vineyard of two acres were all that 
remained of twelve years' earnest effort. Of munitions of 
war there were 1129 pounds of gunpowder, 9657 pounds 
of lead and shot, 932 " fixt peeces," or guns, 429 swords, 
342 suits of armor, 260 coats of mail and headpieces, and 
various other things. It is well to call to mind the ac- 
couterment of a Virginia soldier as he marched through 
the forests clad in mediaeval panoply of war and pursuing 
an Indian who was clad in nothing at all. The white 
warrior, indeed, was a species of itinerant fortress, as the 

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Indian arrows fell harmless from his cuirass and the toma- 
hawk fared little better when it came in contact with the 
iron pot or headpiece. 

The most pressing need of Virginia after 1624, as well 
as before that date, was to secure the necessary amount 
of labor to cultivate tobacco to the greatest advantage. 
The tidewater region of Virginia, which was necessarily 
the first portion to be settled, had a soil of such extraor- 
dinary fertility that the first wheat which was planted at 
Jamestown grew six feet in not many more weeks. Most 
of the ground was covered with splendid trees, which had 
to be cut down to make way for tobacco plants, which 
soon exhausted the soil. The course of agriculture, 
therefore, became one interminable round of clearing the 
land and planting and curing tobacco. The whole life of 
Virginia turned on the cultivation of tobacco, for that 
was its staple product in these early days. 1 The produc- 
tion of tobacco was simply a question of the supply of 
unskilled labor ; the demand in Virginia for human beings, 
other than Indians, was therefore very great and was 
supplied in several ways. 

White women and marriages and family life there had 
been in Virginia since 1608, when John Laydon married 
Anne Burrus, 2 who came to the colony in that year as 
maidservant to Mrs. Forest, and " pressing " maidens to be 
transported to Virginia was a business as early as 1618. 
The great mass of Virginia settlers, however, were still 

1 Of course other things were produced * Virginia Laydon, the first of fonr 
in Virginia. Corn was sometimes sent daughters to be born to this pair, was 
from there to the Northern colonies; but probably the first child of English par- 
speaking generally and referring to these ents to be born in the Old Dominion, 
early days, it is correct to speak of to- In 1636 Laydon received a grant of land 
bacco as the staple product. See, how- in recognition of " the personal adven- 
ever, L. G. Tyler in The Century, xxix, turesof himself and wife." See Virginia 
636. Magazine of History, v, 93. 

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without wives to tie them to the soil. To provide them 
with permanent interests in the colony, Sir Edwin Sandys 
conceived the shrewd project of sending over "maids for 
wives," and nearly one hundred young maidens reached 
the colony in 1619. 1 The company had no expectation 
of loss in this venture, for the husbands were to pay the 
entire cost of transporting the brides. This expense was 
apportioned equally on each of the maids who survived 
the voyage. It is not clear, however, whether any allow- 
ance was made for those of the number who were so 
unfortunate as not to secure a husband. 

Notwithstanding the best that the company could do, 
women were scarce in the colony in 1623, if one may 
reach a general conclusion from the following single case. 8 
It was in that year that the Rev. Grivell Pooley sought 
the hand of Mrs. Samuel Jordan of " Jordan's Journey " 
within "three or four days" of her husband's decease. 
She, very properly, desired time to mourn her departed 
spouse, but Mr. Pooley pursued his suit so persistently that 
erelong the blushing widow permitted him to kiss her in 
presence of Captain Madison. Presuming on this compli- 
ance, Pooley declared to Mrs. Jordan: "I am thine and 
thou art mine till death us separate." He was oversan- 
guine, however, for the fair Cicely Jordan soon afterwards 
contracted herself to Mr. William Ferrar in the presence 
of the governor and council. Thereupon the Rev. Grivell 
sued her for breach of promise, but the rulers declined 

1 Virginia Magazine of History, vi, a " Note of the shipping, men, and provi- 
228. Virginia Company Records, i, 66, sions sent to Virginia by the Treasurer in 
states that ninety "young maidens to the year 1619. Ships — People — Corn- 
make wives of for so many of the former modi ties — Gifts " ; see also Virginia 
tenants " and one hundred " boys to Magazine, vi, 231. 
make apprentices" for those tenants *This case is given at length in 
were sent over in 1619. The De la Warr Brown's First Republic, 663-665 ; he does 
Mss. calendared in the Royal Historical not state where the manuscript may be 
Commission's Reports (iv, 283) contain found. 

vol. x. — p 

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to meddle with the matter and sent the papers to Eng- 
land. The further history of this love affair of Mr. Pooley 
is unknown, as the company perished before making any 
decision. The governor and council in Virginia, however, 
were determined to guard against future trouble of the 
kind and issued a proclamation denouncing corporal pun- 
ishment, or fine, for the third offense of using entangling 
words "tending to the contract of marriage," — and this 
they did without the formality of consulting the general 

The earliest comers to the James River were gentlemen 
volunteers, their personal attendants, and a small number 
of laboring men to perform the necessary hard work. 
The first band of colonists which came out in 1609 in- 
cluded many laborers and also many undesirable persons 
of all classes. On the other hand, the expedition of 1610 
was composed of excellent material, consisting largely of 
artisans and mechanics. When the profitable cultivation 
of tobacco was made possible, about 1616, the whole mode 
of settlement underwent a complete alteration. After that 
time two classes of people mainly came to Virginia, men 
with capital and those who emigrated under some form of 
contract of service. The last years of Elizabeth's reign 
and the first years of James's rule were a critical period 
in the history of the laboring class in England. The time 
was one of regulation, when it seemed possible to deter- 
mine human fate by law, and, especially, to guide human 
affairs so as to be most beneficial to the class which made 
the laws. We find, therefore, that the laws provided that 
all unemployed persons not conversant with some art or 
mystery, as clothiers, arrowhead makers, or butchers, hav- 
ing no property and not being of gentle birth or students, 
could be compelled to serve in husbandry for one year, 

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and at the end of that time could not leave the parish 
where he was employed without a certificate. In the 
period of harvest, the magistrates could even compel artifi- 
cers to leave their usual vocations and work in the fields 
for day wages. 

Notwithstanding the efforts just described, the roads of 
England became exceedingly pestered with vagabonds. 
In 1572, therefore, Parliament again grappled with the 
problem, and this time in a sanguinary frame of mind. 
In the future vagabonds and sturdy beggars, women as 
well as men, should be grievously whipped, and then 
burned through the gristle of the right ear with a hot iron 
one inch in diameter. It behooved a person so marked to 
secure employment, for if such a one were again appre- 
hended, he or she should suffer death as a felon. Among 
the classes of persons who were deemed vagabonds in this 
act, were those who feigned to have knowledge of palmis- 
try, idle persons who were whole and mighty in body, 
unlicensed jugglers, peddlers, and tinkers, and those schol- 
ars of the University who were found begging without a 
certificate under the University seal. In 1598 Parliament 
passed the great act for the support of the poor, which is 
usually associated with the year 1601, when it was made 
permanent. By this law, each town and parish should 
take care of its own poor under the oversight of the jus- 
tices. Vagabonds and beggars, men or women, found 
wandering on the highway, should be "stripped naked 
from the middle upwards, and be openly whipped until 
his or her body be bloody," and then be sent to the parish 
wherein he or she was born or last employed. If no such 
place could be discovered, the justice might condemn the 
wanderer to the house of correction, or, in case the vaga- 
bond appeared to be dangerous, the justices might sen- 

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tence him or her to banishment under pain of death in 
case of return. 1 

This brief description of the laws for the treatment of 
idlers of the working classes, taken in connection with 
what has been said as to the punishment of what are 
now regarded as minor crimes, will serve to show the 
powers under which the English magistrates acted in 
supplying Virginia with laborers, and also some of the 
inducements which impelled those out of employment 
in England to seek the New World. One further class of 
unfortunates remains to be noticed, those waifs and strays 
of the London streets, whose tender years did not bring 
them under the sweep of the enactments just mentioned. 
These the London authorities gathered by the hundreds 
and turned over to the Virginia Company. Compulsion * 
was sometimes used, and those who declined to go were 
bound out to hard masters. 

Every now and then the doors of English prisons were 
opened, and batches of convicted felons, the heinousness 
of whose crimes may be guessed from the laws described 
above, were handed over to the officers of the company for 
conveyance to Virginia. The peculiarity of the few entries 
relating to this subject which have been discovered has 
called an undue amount of attention to them. The first 
convicted murderer to be sent to Virginia (1619) was 

1 The first Parliament of James fur- found wandering or begging, he or she 
ther provided (1 Jac. c. 7) that incorri- should suffer death as a felon, without 
gible or dangerous rogues should be benefit of clergy, 
branded on the left shoulder "with an * In 1620, Sandys applied for a warrant 
hot burning iron of the breadth of an to enforce the transportation of children 
English shilling, with a great Roman R from London to Virginia, as some of the 
upon the iron, and the branding upon worse disposed were unwilling to go. 
the shoulder to be so thoroughly burned Calendars of State Papers, Domestic, 
and set upon the skin and flesh that the 1619-1623, p. 118. See also, on this gen- 
letter R be seen and remain for a per- eral subject, ibid., James L, yiii, 183; 
petual mark upon such rogue during his Charles /., v, 433; vii, 166, 669; xiii, 270. 
or her life," and if such rogue be again 

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Stephen Rogers, a carpenter, whom Sir Thomas Smythe 
asked the justices to hand over to him for transportation 
to the James River, on the plea that carpenters were much 
needed there. 1 

The generic term which came to be employed to de- 
scribe the white laboring class of Virginia was " servant." 
The meaning of this term was different in different periods 
of the Old Dominion's history, and, indeed, its application 
was not the same in widely separated parts of the colony 
at any one point of time. The servant was employed 
according to the terms of an indenture. 2 These varied 
greatly — some required seven years of service, others 
only two or three years, some permitted the holder of 
the indenture to sell the servant's time to any one 
whom he saw fit, others provided that the servant upon 
arrival in the colony should seek out his own master and 
have two weeks' time in which to find one. These facts 
point to the conclusion that the servants themselves varied 
greatly — some of them were educated men who served as 
schoolmasters, others were vagabonds and convicts, who 
performed severe manual labor. In those cases where no 
indenture was made, the servant's term and condition of 
life were regulated by "the custom of the country," which 
was from time to time changed by law. Generally speak- 
ing, the term of service for a person nineteen years of 
age, or over, was five years — a person under that age 

* Middlesex Records, ii, 224. and Rendition of Fugitives and Crimi- 

Smythe had earlier procured a few nals in the American Colonies " in Na- 

felofis for transportation to Virginia. tional Magazine, vol. xvi. The general 

See J. D. Butler's "British convicts subject of the transportation of criminals 

shipped to American Colonies" (AmerU to the colonies will be further treated in 

can Historical Review, ii, 17) ; Ballagh's the second volume of the present work. 
" White Servitude in Virginia" (Johns * One is calendared in Royal Histori- 

Hopkins Studies) ; E. D. Neill's Virginia cal Manuscripts Commission's Reports, 

Vetusta, and Virginia Carolorum, and xv, Appendix, pt. 2, p. 323; others are 

" Notes " in the Virginia Magazine of given in Brown's Genesis. 
History; J. D. Lindsay's "Extradition 

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should serve until he or she were twenty-four. The term 
of service of the transported thief or murderer was natu- 
rally longer, but in other respects his treatment was the 
same as that of the ordinary servant. 

In general, although the work of clearing the forests 
was severe, and there were inhuman and cruel masters 
in Virginia as elsewhere, the agricultural laborer was 
much better off in Virginia than he was in England. In 
the colony he was fed, clothed, and lodged on a better 
scale than the farm hand in England could feed, clothe; 
and lodge himself. There was no hope that the latter 
could better his condition — there was every chance that 
the Virginia servant, if he had anything in him, would 
rise in the world. At the end of his term of service 
the freedman received clothing, food, and other articles 
to the value of ten pounds sterling; land was easily 
acquired, and the industrious man could soon become 
a planter and employer of labor — sometimes, indeed, 
he might vie in prosperity with his late master within a 
comparatively short number of years. Until the close of 
the seventeenth century, servants formed the great mass 
of the laboring population of Virginia ; negro slaves, how- 
ever, were becoming more numerous every year. 

Probably the first negroes to land in Virginia after 1606 
were twenty in number, who came to the colony in a 
"Dutch man-of-war" in the year 1619. These unfortu- 
nates had been twice captured, first on the African coast 
and again in the West Indies. The identity of this slave 
ship is still disputed ; it is not impossible that she was one 
of those irregularly commissioned vessels which the Earl 
of Warwick and other Englishmen sent to scour the seas. 1 

1 Whence came these slaves and by slaves in Virginia ? These questions are 
whom imported, or were they the first ably discussed by Brown in his First 

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This introduction of negro slavery into English colonies 
on the continent, — it already prevailed in the English 
islands, — was purely accidental. There was no pressing 
demand for negroes in Virginia, and their number at first 
increased very slowly. On the other hand those negroes 
that were brought in seem to have found a ready sale. 

Englishmen in the seventeenth century saw no harm 
in enslaving the negro, and they would doubtless have 
converted the Indians of Virginia into human chattels, as 
the Spaniards did those of the West Indies, had not the 
Northern red men proved untameable. A few of the 
planters employed the natives as huntsmen, providing 
them with arms and ammunition. The impolicy of so 
doing did not at once occur to the whites, and, indeed, Sir 
George Yeardley is distinctly charged with setting the 
example. In the rush for available tobacco fields, the 
planters spread out over the land, leaving, as a rule, sev- 
eral miles between plantations for future enlargement. 
They not only cleared the primeval forest ; they also took 
possession of the cornfields of the natives, which aroused 
the latter's resentment. Under the lead of Opechanca- 
nough, the new war chief of the James River Indians, the 
savages fell upon the unsuspecting whites, destroyed some 
of the outlying plantations, and killed three hundred and 
forty-seven persons, 1 perhaps one quarter of the whole 
population of the colony. The blow fell so suddenly and 
so severely that the settlers generally abandoned their 
plantations and sought shelter in the few towns then 

Republic (325) and Genesis (H, 980), and it is by no means impossible that a few 

by Bruce in his Economic History (ii, 65- may have been brought to Jamestown 

74). Brown says that he has nowhere before 1619. 

seen it stated in any contemporaneous 1 Alexander Brown (First Republic, 

document that these were the earliest 467) suggests that this number is an un- 

importation. As slaves were introduced derestimate. 

into the Somers Islands as early as 1616, 

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existing. For the time being the survivors postponed 
retaliation and planted corn and grew tobacco as usual. 
In the autumn, however, they turned with sudden fury 
upon the Indians. They killed many, they drove others 
from their villages, and they destroyed the Indians' food 
supply for the coming winter. 1 The English sometimes 
resorted to stratagems which were as treacherous as those 
of the savages themselves, and it was charged at the time 
that Dr. John Pott, the physician general of the company, 
had destroyed numbers of the Indians by poison. At the 
moment it was supposed that Opechancanough had been 
killed on one of these expeditions ; but he lived long 
enough to organize another massacre in 1644. That was 
his last feat, however ; for, being captured, he was shot in 
the back by one of the colonists who had been appointed 
to guard him. 9 

Among the capitalists and groups of capitalists who 
sought to exploit the cultivation of Virginia tobacco on a 
large scale was John Smith 6f Nibley, in England. 8 In 
1619, with three other capitalists, he obtained from the 
Virginia Company a grant of six thousand acres of land 
in addition to fifty acres for each person whom they 
should transport to Virginia within seven years, there to 
abide for three years, unless death overtook them in the 
meantime. After six years, the grantees should pay an 
annual quit-rent of twelve pence per fifty acres, and when 
the first tract was " planted and peopled " the as&ociates 
should receive as much more. The Virginia Company 
also agreed within seven years to grant the adventurers 

1 See Wyat and council to Virginia These are calendared in the Bulletin of 

Company in Vfr ginia Magazine of His- the New York Public Library for July, 

tory, vi, 374-371. 1897. The papers used in this chapter 

* L. G. Tyler's Cradle of the Repub- are printed at length in ibid., iii, 161, 

lie, 40. 208, 248, 276. 

1 John Smith of Nibley Papers. 

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1619-24] JOHN SMITH OF NIBLEY 217 

letters of incorporation, with liberty to make orders for 
the government of all persons to be settled upon the as- 
sociates' land. In 1620 l the Virginia Company made a 
general rule that captains or leaders of particular planta- 
tions, together with some of the gravest and discreetest of 
their company, should have liberty to make orders for the 
better directing of their business and servants, provided 
that such regulations were not repugnant to the laws of 
England. It was under this vote, or at all events in con- 
formity with the policy indicated by it, that the grant was 
made to John Smith of Nibley and his associates as well 
as to other groups of capitalists and colonists, notably the 
Pilgrim Fathers. John Smith of Nibley and his fellow- 
adventurers set to work with enthusiasm and speedily 
fitted out two ships with emigrants and supplies. * It 
occurred to them that it would be a good plan to interest 
Sir George Yeardley, at the time governor of the colony, 
in the success of their enterprise. So they proposed to 
him that he should become one of the partners and be 
entitled to a share in the profits without the necessity of 
contributing any money. This earliest attempt at official 
corruption which is mentioned in our records is interest- 
ing for two reasons. First, because Yeardley declined, and 
secondly, because the very fact that it was made throws 
light on the conduct of English business concerns at the 
time of the settlement of the English North American 

In two years' time the adventurers dispatched at least 
two vessels for Berkeley Hundred, the Mwrgwret and the 
Supply. In them, and possibly in other vessels, were 
embarked over eighty emigrants, of whom only thirteen 
were living three years later ; of the balance forty-one are 

1 Virginia Company Records, i, 39. 

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marked as dead on the margin of the list of their names, 
while eleven more are marked as slain, which word proba- 
bly refers to the "massacre." Money was not spared in 
fitting out these vessels, the total cost being £1436 1*. lid. 
in the money of that time. The list of articles put on 
board the ships covers seventeen quarto printed pages of 
forty-seven lines each, and included among other things 
"three books on the practice of piety," two pounds of 
brimstone, sixty gallons and one " pottle " of aquae vitae, 
one bushel of mustard seed, three dripping pans, fifteen 
gross of buttons, one hundred and five pair of "Irish 
stockins," twenty pounds of soap, two thousand hobnails, 
and four thousand sparrow bills, or small shoe nails. John 
Smith of Nibley bore a dauntless soul. When his eighty 
colonists and his seventeen quarto pages of goods went 
the way of most things in early Virginia, he provided 
other men and other supplies, and was still working for 
success ten years later, in 1632. 

Meantime, in England, the company was faring as badly 
as the colonists were in Virginia ; ever recurring disputes 
in the corporation were combined with controversies be- 
tween it and the king and his leading ministers. Sir 
Edwin Sandys in 1603 had hastened to the Scottish court 
and had been among the first to greet James as king of 
England; in return, James had knighted him soon after 
they reached London. Now, however, sixteen years of 
controversy between the king and the forces of reform, 
which were led by Sir Edwin, had wrought a radical 
change in the views of both of them ; the king had come 
to distrust Sandys, and the latter had lost faith in the 
king. 1 James had good reason for lack of confidence in 

i The beginning of this estrangement opposition to the " union " with Scot- 
is hard to find ; but the statesman's land,,which the king had much at heart, 

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Sir Edwin, for Sandys was touched by the republican 
spirit of Calvinism, and, as the leading member of the 
House of Commons, he naturally turned to that body 
when in difficulty, with the result that the Virginia Com- 
pany, to all intents and purposes, appealed from the king 
to Parliament. 

The period of the Southampton-Sandys supremacy 
(1618-25), which ended in the company's downfall, was 
coincident with the first stage in that great religious 
conflict which is known in European history as the Thirty 
Years' War. One of the first events in that war was 
the ejectment of James's son-in-law, Frederick, and his 
wife, Elizabeth Stuart, from the throne of Bohemia, 
which they had ascended without any clear right, and 
from the Palatinate which Frederick had inherited from 
his ancestors. James, with his mixed cunning and timid- 
ity, could not bring himself to adopt any clear and 
straightforward line of action. Besides, at the moment, 
he was involved in one of the last scenes in that serio- 
comic drama known as the Spanish Marriage. It oc- 
curred to him that the easiest way to restore Frederick 
and his daughter to the former's paternal estate would 
be to operate through the king of Spain, who was natu- 
rally supposed to have a good deal of influence with the 
German branch of his family. Besides, the dowry of the 
Spanish Princess, or Infanta, would postpone the necessity 
of summoning Parliament. As we look back upon it, the 
Spanish Marriage was never a possibility, because his Most 
Catholic Majesty, the king of Spain, could not consent to 
his daughter's going to England except on conditions 
respecting the religion of the children, and the treatment 

had a great deal to do with it. See, for 965; Spedding'a IAfs and Letters of 
example, Commons Journals, i, 962, 964, Fronds Bacon, lii, 828. 

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of English Catholics, which James could not grant unless 
he was prepared to seek safety in speedy flight to Scot- 
land. James either could not or would not see these 
things, and it was not until Prince Charles and the Duke 
of Buckingham journeyed to Madrid (1623) that the fu- 
tility of the scheme was recognized. It may seem a far 
call from Virginia tobacco to the Infanta of Spain ; but in 
reality it proved to be impossible to encourage the produc- 
tion of tobacco in Virginia without irritating the Spanish 

The prosperity of Virginia, upon which was contingent 
the very life of the colony and the hope of pecuniary 
return for the company and its shareholders, 1 was de- 
pendent upon the profitable production of tobacco. This 
in turn required at least something approaching the mo- 
nopoly of the English tobacco trade. In early life, and 
even as late as 1620-21, Sandys strongly opposed the sys- 
tem of monopolies which had come down from Elizabeth ; 
but he saw no harm in proposing legislation to exclude 
Spanish tobacco from England. 2 He approached the sub- 
ject in a roundabout way by lamenting the scarcity of 
coin within the realm. This was due, he maintained, to 
the fact that Englishmen paid out gold and silver for 
foreign commodities, while foreigners, especially Spaniards, 
were able to pay for English goods with commodities in- 

1 In 1820-21 objections were raised to the House of Commons for suppressing 

the lotteries, by which the Virginia Com- the odious and loathsome sin of drunken- 

pany had gained large sums of money, ness, and for the restraint of the exces- 

This opposition was due in part to the sive price of beer and ale. One third of 

rising spirit of Puritanism in England, the penalties to be imposed under the 

James also expressed his dislike of them proposed act were to go to the company 

and said that he would suspend and sup- of Virginia ; but the bill did not pass, 

press them. He further declared that he (Commons Journals, i, 528 ; Debates of 

had given way to the scheme because he 1620-21, p. 99; Royal Historical Manu- 

had been told that Virginia could not scripts Commission's Reports, ill, 18.) 
raise money in any other way. At about * See, for instance, Commons Jour- 

the same time an act was introduced into nals, i, 531-564. 

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stead of with gold and silver. He seems to have thought 
that Spain necessarily imported a certain fixed amount of 
goods from England, and that if she was not allowed to 
pay for these goods in tobacco, she must pay for them in 
coin. Whether Sir Edwin was sincere in his belief, or 
whether, as seems more likely, his desires were based 
upon the necessity of protecting the Virginia tobacco 
interest, it was perfectly certain that the Spanish tobacco 
trade would be the principal sufferer. Gondomar, the 
Spanish ambassador in London, picked up statements 
that were attributed to Sandys in which he advocated 
republican ideas. Whether these rumors were true or 
false, the Spaniard recognized their utility to discredit 
Sandys 1 with James. 

The company was between the upper and nether mill- 
stones ; it wished to handle the whole tobacco crop, the 
king wished to make all he could in the way of taxation, 
the persons who collected the taxes strove to make them 
as heavy as possible that their profits might be large, and 
the growers wished to have the freest possible market for 
their staple. Furthermore, the company tried to monopo- 
lize the whole import trade of the colony. The result of 
the system was that the profits from the production of 

* In 1621 Sandys was committed to into custody. Among the subjects upon 

the custody of the Sheriff of London by which he was questioned were his inti- 

order of the king for something which macy with the "Brownists," and his dis- 

he had done or said outside of the House content with the existing order of things 

of Commons. What that was is not (Calendars of State Papers, Domestic, 

known ; but it may have been in conneo- 1619-1623, p. 269). The questions asked 

tion with Sandys's opposition to the Sandys, but not his answers, are printed 

wishes of James as to the management in Debates of 1620-21, ii, Appendix (sig. 

of the Virginia Company. See Journals Bbb 2). See Note IV. 

of the Commons, i, 513, 654 ; Debates of For the debate on the want of money 

1620-21, ii, 179, 181, 182, 198, 259, 276, and and the exclusion of Spanish tobacco, 

Appendix. Peckard, in his Life of Ferrar see Journals of the Commons, i, 527, 579, 

(p. 110), states that Sandys's imprison- 581, And Debates of 1620-21, \, 96, 97, 104, 

ment was on account of the Virginia 151,237,249,250,252. 
business. Southampton was also taken 

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tobacco were not great to the planter, nor to the company, 
nor to the king, nor to the collector of customs, — the 
planters and merchants engaged in the Virginia trade com- 
plained of the company, the company complained of the 
collectors, while the king and the collectors felt aggrieved 
at the action of the company. The whole matter has so 
many branches and twistings * that it cannot be unraveled 
briefly. At one time the king forbade the importation of 
Virginia tobacco, 9 and the company sent all their tobacco 
to the Netherlands, an act which seemed high presumption, 
to say the least, to the Privy Council. 

One way out of the tangle seemed to be for the govern- 
ment and the company jointly to monopolize the handling 
of the Virginia crop, in which case, of course, the importa- 
tion of Spanish tobacco would be stopped and the growing 
of tobacco in England prohibited. A scheme for the carry- 
ing out of this plan was drawn up and almost adopted. 
It failed, however, both with the government and with the 
company. At the last moment the government demanded 
things which could not be acceded to, and the announce- 
ment of the contract 8 which provided a considerable salary 
for Sir Edwin Sandys, as director, brought forth open 
opposition in the company. The leader of the Sraythe- 

1 See, for example, Captain Bar- the regulation of tobacco. It is to be 

grave's charges in Virginia Magazine of noticed that Sir Thomas Roe, one of the 

History, vi, 225. members of the company, obtained a 

3 This was not dne to the king's dislike patent for garbling or inspecting tobacco, 
of tobacco-taking ; his Counterblast, if The Journals of the House of Commons 
he wrote it, was printed iu 1604, before for 1620-21 contains numerous entries 
Virginia tobacco was known in England, relating to the attempted legislation to 
except as a curiosity. Probably James give the Virginia Company a monopoly 
looked upon the cultivation of tobacco of the English tobacco trade. These are 
as likely to increase the revenue of the largely reprinted in Brown's First de- 
crown, and therefore to be cherished, public. He does not seem to know the 
The action of the government at this much fuller notes contained in a volume 
time was in the nature of retaliation. entitled Debates in the House of Com- 

•Rymer's Fadera, xviii, 190, 233; mons in 1620-21 (see, for instance, 

Chalmers's Annals, I, 41, 70, contain the Brown, 400, and Debates, i, 238). 
royal proclamation and commission for 

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Warwick forces was Sir Thomas Wroth, whose most famous 
act was moving in Parliament, years later, that Charles I 
should be impeached and the kingdom settled without him. 
He now objected to the contract, on account of the salaries 
proposed for the director and the other officials and because 
Southampton and Sandys and their friends had secured 
the passage of these measures by underhand means and by 
browbeating. These accusations were met with denial 
by the Sandys party and the necessity of proper salaries 
was vigorously defended. Whichever faction was in the 
right, the controversy within the company gave the govern- 
ment its opportunity. 

It would seem that with the disasters in Virginia, the 
discontent of the planters there, the ill-humor of Gondomar, 
and the dissensions within the corporation, the Sandys fac- 
tion had its hands full. Either Sandys was " riding for a 
fall," or he had not the statesmanlike qualities which have 
generally been attributed to him, for at this time the 
company was actively involved in the dispute with Cap- 
tain John Martin, and Sandys almost at once became the 
manager on the part of the Commons of the impeachment 
of Lord Treasurer Middlesex, who was the negotiator 
of the tobacco contract on the part of the government. 
The controversy with Captain Martin had come down 
from the Smythe period ; but there seems to have been 
complicated with it a good deal of personal resentment on 
the part of Sir George Yeardley and others. A perusal of 
the published documents gives one a feeling of respect for 
Martin and of distrust for Yeardley. Whether this feeling 
is justified in either case may be a matter for argument ; 
but it must be conceded that the controversy was extremely 
unfortunate for the Virginia Company. Among the mem- 
bers of the Privy Council who assiduously attended the 

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meetings at which the Virginia business was discussed 
was Sir Julius Caesar, the Master of the Rolls, who also 
had the ear of the king. As the only way to secure 
justice to Martin, he pushed on the destruction of the 
Virginia Company. 

When it became clear that the king was determined on 
the downfall of the corporation, an attempt was made to 
secure protection from the House of Commons by the pres- 
entation of a petition to that body. In this paper it was 
stated that the evil practices on the parts of some members 
of the company were due to the corrupt influence of Lord 
Treasurer Middlesex. Three days later the Speaker read 
a letter from the king concerning the Virginia petition. 
The contents of this royal epistle are unknown ; but it ex- 
ercised an important influence, as the petition was there- 
upon "by general resolution withdrawn." 1 So perished 
the last hope of the Virginia Company, for, in those days, 
the judges held their office during the pleasure of the king, 
as James had been careful to make clear to them. * When, 
therefore, the attorney-general moved for judgment against 
the charter, it was at once given. 8 At the time, it was 
probably expected that the company would keep up its 
organization as a trading corporation. It may be that 
James even intended to confer upon its members a new 
charter without administrative rights; but the company 

* On the question of the appeal of the daring good behavior, but since the ao- 
Virginia Company to the House of Com- cession of Elizabeth not a single judge 
mons by petition, see Journals of the had been dismissed for political reasons 
House of Commons, i, 691, 694; Royal (Gardiner's History, ii, 8). It was re- 
Historical Manuscripts Commission's served for James to set the pernicious 
Fourth Report, 122 ; Calendars of State example of removing Judges for political 
Papers, America and the West Indies, reasons by dismissing Sir Edward Coke. 
1574-1660, 220 ; Virginia Magazine, vi, * See Massachusetts Historical Soci- 
383. The petition itself is in Virginia ety's Collections, Fourth Series, ix, 6&- 
Cotnpany Records, ii, 263. See also 72. Egerton (British Colonial Policy, 
Brown's First Republic, 696-600. 37) states that the charter was resumed 

a Technically, the Judges held office by order of the Privy Council. 

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was bankrupt and moribund. It died an easy death, 
although the judgment against it was not entered until 
1632 and then only at the instance of Lord Baltimore. 1 

As matters turned out, the destruction of the company 
was beneficial to all concerned ; for that corporation was 
insolvent in 1624 and whatever further exertions it might 
have made would have been in the nature of recouping its 
members for past expenditures. James died in 1625, and 
his son, Charles I, immediately became involved in those 
financial and religious controversies which led to the Peti- 
tion of Right, the martyrdom of Sir John Eliot, the meet- 
ing of the Long Parliament, the battle of Naseby, and the 
scaffold in front of Whitehall. Virginia and the other 
colonies were left to develop in their own way, with slight 
interference from the king and the royal officials. 2 

As Charles's finances became more and more involved, 
he and his advisers looked farther afield for possible profits 
and soon lighted upon the Virginia tobacco crop as a prom- 
ising subject from which a few thousand pounds might be 
squeezed. The proposition now was that the government 
and the planters should go hand in hand to monopolize 
the industry; the government to make Virginia tobacco 

1 Papers printed in the Virginia Mag- company may have continued to exercise 
azine of History (vol. viii) serve to show trading rights for some time, 
that in 1631-52 Charles had it in mind s The royal commission of 1624 erect- 
to restore the commercial rights to the ing a Commission to oversee Virginia 
Virginia Company but not the powers of affairs is in Rymer's Fudera ; Hazard's 
jurisdiction ; but as judgment had not Historical Collections t i, 138 ; and in ab- 
been entered against the Virginia Com- stract in Virginia Magazine, vii, 40. 
pany this would seem to have been un- Other constitutional documents relating 
necessary. It is also interesting to note to this period are printed in later num- 
that the Virginia planters for some years bers of the same magazine. Wyat's 
after 1624 "groaned under the oppres- commission (Hazard's Historical Collec- 
tion of unconscionable and cruel mer- tions, i, 189) authorized him and his 
chants " who monopolized their trade council, which was the existing council, 
under "unjust contracts, made wholly to govern as they had been governing 
without their consent." Petition of under the company's commission until 
governor, council, and burgesses to the they should receive further instructions 
king in Virginia Magazine of History, from the king, 
vii, 260. It is not impossible that the 

tol. i. — Q 

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supreme in England and the planters in Virginia to pro- 
duce only as much tobacco as the government could advan- 
tageously sell. This project necessarily required the assent 
of the planters, and to gain this an assembly was held at 
Jamestown in 1627, at which the Virginians refused to 
enter into partnership with the king except on their own 
terms, which would have resulted in little profit to the 
royal exchequer. 1 From this time on, at least until 1685, 
spasmodic attempts were made to bring about agreement, 
but the tobacco business always "stuck fast," to use Sir 
John Harvey's graphic phrase. 

The revocation of the charter brought no change to the 
property owners in Virginia, for it is a principle of English 
law that where a person has once acquired a legal title to 
land or other possession he cannot be divested thereof 
without just cause. The rights of private property were 
respected by the king, and even the company continued to 
hold title to bits of land which had been cultivated for it. 
The undivided land became the property of the crown, and 
as to that, the royal policy was based directly on that of 
the company, which had been liberal. 

In the ten years following the downfall of the com- 
pany, the population of Virginia increased fivefold, from 
about one thousand to about five thousand. In 1685 no 
less than twenty-one vessels visited the colony, bringing 
sixteen hundred immigrants, of whom probably twelve 
hundred were servants. The demand for labor was so 
great that "no doubt the persons in England who sup- 
plied this demand were not at all particular as to the 
character " * of those whom they sent over. One evidence 
of this fact is found in a letter from the " Customer of 

1 Virginia Magazine of History, vll, the Virginia Magazine of History, ix, 
258-268. 271. For other references to this subject, 

* This phrase is that of the editor of see Note II. 

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London," or collector of customs at that port. He 
declared that he could not enforce, as to Virginia emi- 
grants, the Proclamation of 1637. That proclamation 1 
provided that no one could go to the colonies who did not 
have a certificate from the minister of his parish that 
he was conformable to the discipline of the Established 
Church ; but the " customer " writes that this is impossi- 
ble as to Virginia " because most of those that go thither 
ordinarily have no habitation [i.e. are vagabonds] and can 
bring neither certificate of their conformity nor ability 
and are better out than within the kingdom." 9 As in 
the earlier time, these immigrants were so crowded to- 
gether while on shipboard that they often bred a pesti- 
lence in the places where they landed. This statement is 
based upon contemporary evidence, but it may mean only 
that great numbers of these newcomers died in the 
" seasoning " which all the early Virginia immigrants had 
to undergo. The survivors and their descendants, like 
their brethren of New England, were a picked stock, for 
only those of steadfast mind and sound body could sus- 
tain the shock of contact with the American wilderness. 
The story of Virginia in the fifteen years following the 
dissolution of the company is one of slowly growing 
contentment and prosperity. In the course of that time 
there is but one incident which requires detailed treat- 
ment. Among the royal commissioners who had come 
to Virginia to spy out the misdeeds of the company was 
Captain John Harvey. He did his work well and was 
rewarded for his faithfulness by the honors of knight- 
hood and the office of governor of the colony. It was 
almost uniformly the case that prosperity, instead of 
making a colonial governor more gentle, worked in pre- 

* See Note UI. * Virginia Magazine of History, ix, 271. 272. 

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cisely the opposite direction and contributed greatly to 
his irascibility, — certainly it was so with Governor Har- 
vey, whose hot temper on one occasion led him to 
strike out Captain Stevens's teeth with a cudgel. 1 The 
colonists had two other causes of grievance against him ; 
one was that he tried to induce them to agree with 
the royal government as to the tobacco contract, which it 
was his duty to do as representative of the crown ; the 
other was that he smoothed the way for Baltimore's colo- 
nists, as the Privy Council directed him to do, instead of 
quenching the Maryland enterprise by his opposition. The 
burgesses protested against the tobacco contract and de- 
sired to send their remonstrance to England by the hands 
of agents of their own. To this Harvey objected, and 
instead, sent the document in an official letter to the 
Secretary of State. Sir John also seems to have been 
rather harsh in enforcing the rights of the crown to for- 
feited and escheated estates and in the collection of the 
quit-rents; all of which things served to make him un- 
popular. The occasion which brought on the crisis was an 
assemblage of Harvey's opponents, that was held to formu- 
late some kind of protest against his actions. 8 Soon after- 
ward, at a session of the council, the governor demanded a 

1 He also caused his immediate prede- Magazine of History, vill, 301-306, and 

cessor, Dr. John Pott, to be tried on a see ibid. , viii, 151,39^407; ix, 34-43. Sir 

charge of stealing cattle. Pott was con- John Zouch was in Virginia in 1634 ; 

victed by a jury, which is said to have Harvey calls him a " Puritan " and says 

been the first jury trial in the Old that he stirred up strife. Zouch '8 ao- 

Dominion. Harvey at once seized his count is in Neill's Virginia Carolorum, 

goods. The king pardoned Pott on the 118. There is an interesting letter from 

ground of the superficiality of the trial Mathews, dated May 25, 1634, in Mary- 

and because he was the only physician in land Archives (Council, 1636-67), 33. 

Virginia. See Virginia Company Rec The best modern account of the "Ma- 

ords, i, 139 note. 8ee also Virginia tiny" is by Latanl in his Early Rela- 

Magazin* of History, vii, 868, 384; viii, tions between Maryland and Virginia, 

33. p. 23. He notes that Burk in his Vir- 

9 "Account of the Mutiny of the Vir- ginia has almost exactly reversed the 

ginians" by Richard Kemp — a most facts, 
prejudiced narrative— is in Virginia 

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statement of the people's grievances, to which Mr. Minifie, 
one of the council, replied that one of their objections to 
his rule was his not sending their answer about the 
tobacco contract to England by the agents whom they had 
chosen. Thereupon Harvey's temper overcame him; he 
burst forth with : " Do you say so ? I arrest you upon 
suspicion of treason to his Majesty." In return, " Captain 
Uty and Captain Mathews, both of the council, laid hands 
on the governor, using these words : < And we you upon 
suspicion of treason to his Majesty.' " After more words 
Captain Mathews again addressed Harvey, saying: "Sir, 
the people's fury is up against you and to appease it is 
beyond our power, unless you please to go for England 
there to answer their complaints." At the moment 
Harvey declared that he would rather be cut into a 
thousand pieces than yield, but softer councils prevailed 
and he departed for England. 

At court Harvey speedily got the better of his ene- 
mies, some of whom had crossed the Atlantic with him. 
These were cast into prison and kept there for eighteen 
months, more or less, when they were released on giving 
bonds in the sum of one thousand pounds sterling 
apiece to come up for trial when summoned. Harvey 
thought that his return would be more triumphant if he 
were conveyed back to Virginia in a ship of the royal 
navy. This was impossible, but the king loaned him a 
prize ship, the Black Oeorge, which proved to be so leaky 
that, after she had sailed twenty leagues beyond the Scilly 
Isles, she was obliged to return to Portsmouth, and the 
triumphant governor sailed for Virginia on an ordinary 
trading ship. William Laud and two other members of 
the Privy Council signed an order permitting Harvey to 
repay himself out of the estates of those who had sent 

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him to England, " when they should be convicted for that 
their insolent presumption." * They were never convicted ; 
but Harvey hastily seized their goods, servants, and cattle, 
while they were still languishing in English prisons. They 
were powerful men, and in due time he was forced to 
disgorge a portion, if not all, of his booty. He continued 
as governor until 1639, when Sir Francis Wyat succeeded 
him, to give place in 1641 to Sir William Berkeley. 

Of those who held office in colonial days, none enjoyed 
a longer period of rule than Sir William Berkeley, and 
few governed more absolutely than he — in his later years. 
He exercised the office of governor from 1641 until 1653, 
and again from 1658 to 1677, when he finally returned to 
England. His original appointment was made in August, 

1641, when the Long Parliament had already been in being 
eight months. Soon after the Long Parliament began 
its fateful session the adventurers and planters of Virginia 
presented a petition to it, requesting the renewal of the 
charter. This petition, and one other for the formation 
of a company for America and Africa, were referred to a 
committee, at the head of which was Mr. John Pym. 
The committee never reported. 9 At the time Pym had 
other things to think about, for it was on May 12, 1641, 
that Strafford was executed. In November of the same 
year the Grand Remonstrance was voted and in January, 

1642, Charles entered the House of Commons for the pur- 
pose of arresting Pym and four other members of that 

1 Virginia Magazine of History, Ix, no citation. For the petitions referred 

42. to above, see Commons Journals, Ji, 54, 

» Alexander Brown (First Republic, 276, 818. The statement that the peti- 

603) states that "in the beginning of tionera asked for a renewal of the charter 

the parliament of 1640, the opponents to is based on a letter of the king in Galen- 

Baltimore's patent for Maryland took dars of State Papers, America and the 

out the Virginia patent again nnder the West Indies, 1674-1660, 824. 
Broad Seal of England"; but he gives 

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body. This preoccupation, doubtless, explains why Mr. 
Pym apparently failed to notice that Sir William Berke- 
ley was a man entirely after the heart of King Charles 
and Archbishop Laud; or, it may be that he let him 
go because he felt that Virginia was as good a place for 
cavaliers as Charles is reported to have said that New 
England was for Nonconformists. Pym did not lack 
warning of the new governor's character, because the 
Rev. Anthony Panton or Penton 1 had sought to en- 
lighten the members of both Houses of Parliament on 
this and other points. Mr. Panton had been minister in 
the parishes of York and Chiskayack, Virginia. He may 
have been religiously unsound, as his language implies; 
he certainly was violently opposed to the existing govern- 
ment in Virginia. Harvey and his council had sentenced 
Panton to banishment under pain of death in case of 
return. Mr. Richard Kemp, then secretary of Virginia, 
and afterwards reappointed as such with Berkeley, had 
gone beyond Sir John in giving full power to any one to 
execute Panton in case of his return. 9 In his trial, Har- 
vey and Kemp, following English precedents before the 
legal reforms of the Puritan time, had denied Panton a 
copy of the charges against him or time to secure evidence 
in his behalf or even the right to summon witnesses. 
As soon as they had convicted him, they seized his goods. 
The Privy Council in England ordered Harvey's successor 
to examine the case anew, which proved difficult, because 
Kemp departed secretly for England with the depositions 
and other writings. The council in Virginia, neverthe- 

i B. W. Green's Word-Book of Fir- William and Mary Quarterly, lii, 271. 
ginia Folk-Speech, Richmond, 1899. See also Latanl's Early Relation* be- 
There is an able review of this work in tween Virginia and Maryland. 
the Virginia Magazine of History, vii, * Virginia Magazine of History, y, 
218, and an article on the same subject in 123-128. 

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less, ordered that compensation for Panton's losses should 
be made out of the sale of Sir John Harvey's goods. 
Probably little in the way of restitution had been accom- 
plished when Berkeley and Kemp were appointed governor 
and secretary. Panton at once presented a petition to the 
House of Commons, which delayed their departure for a 
time; and a subsequent petition to the Lords stopped 
their vessels in the Downs. Panton, in his petitions, 
prayed that Harvey, Kemp, and Captain Wormeley, a 
member of the council, who had acted with them, might 
be brought to justice for their "many arbitrary and illegal 
proceedings in judgment, tyranny, extortion, and most 
cruel oppressions, which have extended to unjust whip- 
pings, cutting of ears, fining, and confiscation of honest 
men's goods, degrading of honest commissioners, convert- 
ing fines to their own private use, favoring and supporting 
popery and many other wrongs." x As to Berkeley's com- 
mission, Panton said that it had been obtained surrep- 
titiously. Berkeley, Kemp, and Wormeley retorted that 
Panton was a turbulent person and were permitted to sail 
for Virginia. 

The commission to the new governor and council was 
sealed on August 9, 1641. 9 This document and the accompa- 
nying instructions are the earliest detailed papers of their 
kind which are now accessible. It will be well, therefore, 
to examine them with some degree of care. In the first 
place, it should be said that a royal commission and a 
royal charter were both letters patent under the great 

1 These petitions, etc., are calendared A note in Royal Historical Manuscripts 

in the Royal Historical Manuscripts Com- Commission's Reports (iv, Appendix, 237) 

mission's Reports, iv, 104. The orders states that Wyat's instructions were 

are in Commons Journals, ii, 283, Lords word for word like those of Berkeley. 

Journals, iv, 411, 421, 424. Wyat's commission of 1638 is calendared 

* Virginia Magazine of History, ii, In the same volume, p. 22. 
281; Harvard Historical Studies, vi,219. 

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seal, and had the same authority, the principal difference 
between them being that a charter was generally granted 
to a number of persons sharing equally in its benefits, and 
was usually unlimited in point of time. In the second 
place, it may be noticed that the commission contains a 
large grant of power which is limited by the much more 
lengthy and detailed instructions. In the third place, 
besides the grant of powers more or less closely specified, 
Sir William Berkeley and the council are directed to per- 
form all other things concerning the plantation " as fully 
as any other governor and council resident there within 
three years, had " performed them. This clause is also 
contained in such of the earlier commissions as have come 
down to us, and probably was in those which are no longer 
known. Granting that this was so, it appears that Berke- 
ley and his council, in interpreting their powers, went back 
to the precedents which had been established in the days 
of the last governors under the charter, for we find a simi- 
lar clause in the commission to the first royal governor 
after the dissolution of the company. Presumably, there- 
fore, it is correct to say that after 1624 the Virginians en- 
joyed the constitutional rights which had been given to 
them by Smythe, Sandys, and those who worked with 
them, although there is no record of the holding of an 
assembly in the earlier years of the royal rule. 1 

To take up Berkeley's commission in detail, he and his 
council, which included such ill-assorted persons as John 
West, Richard Kemp, and Samuel Mathews, were given 
full power to direct and govern, correct and punish, the 
colonists, and order all affairs of peace and war within the 
colony. In performing these functions, they were to obey 

1 Unless we may follow Alexander colony of Virginia assembled together," 
Brown (First Republic, 647) in regarding as forming such a record, 
the phrase, " The Governor, Council, and 

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such orders as the Lord Commissioners and Committees 
for the Plantations from time to time should give them. 
In case of the death or enforced absence of the governor, 
the council should choose one of their number to perform 
the governor's functions, and new councilors should be 
appointed by the king upon the joint nomination of the 
governor and council. The instructions contain thirty- 
one articles. They require that Almighty God be daily 
and duly served according to the form of religion estab- 
lished in the Church of England, and that no innovation in 
matters of religion be suffered. The Oaths of Allegiance 
and Supremacy were to be taken by all the planters and by 
such mariners and merchants as the governor and council 
thought necessary; all who refused should be shipped to 
England. Yearly, or oftener, a general assembly should 
be held to make laws which were to be " as near as may 
be to the laws of England." The governor possessed a 
negative voice, but the laws were not required to be sent 
to England for confirmation. The governor and council 
exercised the appointing power. They also were ex- 
pected to act as a higher judicial court, but the assembly, 
including the burgesses, speedily assumed the role of a 
court of appeals. The commission and instructions, in 
short, contemplated that the governor should be merely 
the first among equals and that the council, which included 
the secretary, should exercise very considerable power. 
Sir William Berkeley was a masterful man. As time 
went on he became more and more absolute, especially 
after 1662, when he was authorized to suspend councilors, 
to appoint members of the council temporarily, and to 
perform many functions without consulting the council 
at all. In this way that body became largely ornamental. 
Besides these constitutional provisions, the instructions 

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provided that all tobacco must be shipped to England, 
and that no vessels other than those of English subjects 
should be permitted to trade in the colony, save "upon 
some unexpected occasions," and then only after bond had 
been given to land all goods laden in the colony in the 
port of London. The instructions also contain the usual 
Utopian provisions, with which the student of Virginia 
history becomes very familiar. Every owner of five hun- 
dred acres of land, for example, is required to build a 
house of brick with a cellar, the house to be at least 
twenty-four feet by sixteen. Moreover, the planters were 
to limit the production of tobacco, not build slight cot- 
tages, nor move from plantation to plantation as the need 
of new fields for tobacco demanded. 

Sir William Berkeley in religion was a follower of 
William Laud ; in Virginia he found a congenial atmos- 
phere. From the beginning the colony on the James 
River had been religiously regular, but the first Church 
Act of importance was passed in 1623. 1 This enacted 
that places of worship and suitable burying grounds 
should be provided on every plantation and that the ser- 
vice should be according to the canons, both in substance 
and in circumstance. Each absence from service entailed 
a fine of one pound of tobacco, and continuous absence 
could be satisfied only by the payment of fifty pounds 
of tobacco, while he who disparaged a minister and could 
not prove his assertion, paid five hundred pounds of to- 
bacco. Apparently there was sometimes justification for 
disparaging remarks, as an act made in 1631 * declared 
that ministers must not give themselves to excessive 
drinking or riot, spending their time idly day or night, 
playing at dice or cards. In January, 1641-42, while 

i Hening'a Statutes, i, 122. * Ibid., i, 158. 

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Sir William Berkeley was on his way 1 to Virginia, the 
assembly passed an act for the organization of the Church 
with vestries, as in England ; and in 1642, soon after his 
arrival, it passed another act perfecting this organization, 
especially by making better provisions for the collection 
of tithes. Under these laws the parsons were nominated 
by the vestries and approved by the governor. 9 

Nonconformity of the New England type never flour- 
ished in Virginia, partly, no doubt, because the social 
organization which there obtained was unfavorable to its 
growth. A few Nonconformists, from time to time, ap- 
peared within the Old Dominion, and missionaries went 
from Boston to convert the Virginians to the New Eng- 
land way of religion; but they had little success, as 
Daniel Gookin, who removed to Massachusetts, seems to 
have been their only important convert. In 1645 there 
were not two hundred Nonconformists in the Old Domin- 
ion. Governor Berkeley seems to have used with mod- 
eration the power to expel from the colony those outside 
of the regular Church organization ; but the administra- 
tion of all penal laws in early Virginia is wrapped in 
obscurity, owing to the destruction of records 8 in the 
fire which the Union soldiers found burning in Richmond 
after its evacuation by the Confederates. 

1 Virginia Magazine of History, ix, Virginia Magazine of History, Till, 64. 

52. The only remaining knowledge of the 

3 Hening's Statutes, i, 240, 277. On early court proceedings is derived from 

this general subject, see Latani's " Early a series of notes which were prepared by 

Relations between Maryland and Vir- Conway Robinson. These are incom- 

ginia" (Johns Hopkins Studies, xiii, plete and are useful only for purposes 

Nos. Hi, iv) and a long and somewhat of illustration. Some of the entries have 

discursive review by R. S. Thomas in been printed in the Virginia Magazine 

Virginia Magazine of History, iv, 348, of History, ill, v, etc. See also Lower 

469 ; v, 106, 228. Norfolk Antiquarian, No. 2, pt. 3. 

• See note as to these records in the 

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L General Bibliography. — Winsor, in his America, iii, 152-166, 
enumerates the sources of information and the secondary works 
relating to the period covered in this chapter so far as they were 
printed prior to 1884, when that volume was published. Since 
that time Alexander Brown has published his First Bepublic in 
America, Boston, 1898^ and his English Politics in Early Virginia 
History, Boston, 1901. The former of these works consists of a 
narrative formed of extracts and abstracts from documents, some of 
which have not yet seen the printed page, cemented together with 
expositions and comments by the author. The latter work is an 
amplification of the general thesis which pervades the former. This, 
in brief, is that hitherto the history of the Old Dominion in the 
time of the " Sandys Supremacy " has been written from the works 
of Captain John Smith and other documents which the "Court 
Party " allowed to see the light. Mr. Brown's mission, as he con- 
ceives it, is to rescue the history of that time from the wrong 
accounts which have thus influenced our conception of those eventful 
years. In all this he sees a sort of conspiracy on the part of the 
king and the enemies of the Sandys faction to stifle the truth, and 
looks upon Captain John Smith as the tool of these conspirators. 
That James, Sir Thomas Smythe, Warwick, Sir Nathaniel Rich, and 
their friends, were hostile to Sandys and Southampton cannot be 
denied, but the origin of this hostility had little to do with what is 
sought to be conveyed in the use of the words " court " and "pa- 
triot." Captain John Smith doubtless disliked the Sandys faction, 
who had dismissed his claim for compensation somewhat cavalierly ; 
but his account of these years seems to be very near the truth. 
Mr. Brown, by his intemperate and ruthless onslaught on Captain 
John Smith, has done much to arouse a sentiment in favor of that 
inimitable writer ; it has also led to a perhaps unjust questioning of 
Mr. Brown's own statements. A savage review of Brown's Republic 
by the late W. W. Henry, with a reply by Brown and a rejoinder by 
Henry, will be found in the Virginia Magazine of History (vi). Pro- 
fessor Turner, in a more friendly notice of the " English Politics " in 
the American Historical Review (vii, 162), says that it is to be hoped 
Mr. Brown " will soon supplement The Genesis of the United States 
with volumes containing material for the later history of the corn- 

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pany. This, rather than controversial writing, is what is now needed 
to make clear the early history of Virginia " — a statement in which 
all who have studied the complicated history of these years will 
most heartily join. 

The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography and the William 
and Mary Quarterly are doing excellent work in bringing to light 
material on the local history of Virginia, while on the general history 
of the colony and its relations to England the Royal Historical Man- 
uscripts Commission has done great service in revealing to investi- 
gators the scattered storehouses of manuscripts in England. The 
only student who, up to the present time, has made effective use of 
these new materials in any extended way, is Philip Bruce, in his 
Economic History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century. Much of 
his work has a purely local interest, but the chapters on agricultural 
development and on systems of labor are of value to the general 
reader. Mr. Bruce is the safest guide on the last few years under 
the company. 

II. Population. — In 1634, the census (Wynne and Gilman, Colo- 
nial Records, 91) gives the total number of people in Virginia as 
4914, not including two hundred and five who arrived in that year. 
A few of these were negro slaves, but by far the greater part were 
servants. Of these, some were educated men, but the greater num- 
ber were those who " guided the plow or wielded the spade, the hoe 
or the ax. 9 ' Bruce, in the last chapter of his first volume, and in the 
second chapter of his second volume, gives a mass of information as 
to the condition and numbers of the servants. One thing that im- 
presses the reader of his figures is the average youth of the serving 
class. 1 This is accounted for by the practice of sending large num- 
bers of children to the colony. Bruce says that fourteen hundred or 
fifteen hundred children were sent to Virginia in 1627. Slavery" 
was not recognized by law until 1661, when the general assembly 
provided that an English servant running away with a negro slave 
should serve for the time of the slave's absence as well as for his 
own. In general it may be said that the punishment meted out to 
servants was an additional term of service ; but an incorrigible runa- 
way was branded on the cheek and had his hair cropped. 

There are numerous entries relating to convicts deported to Vir- 

1 See an interesting review of Eggle- as to the relative proportions of free and 
stem's Transit of Civilization, in the servile immigrants. 
Virginia Magazine of History (viii, 437), 

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ginia. The peculiarity of these records has attracted an undue 
amount of attention to them. Contemporary opinion also was un- 
favorable to the character of the early emigrants to Virginia, who 
are sometimes described as the scum of the land, jail birds, and 
Christian savages ; see, for instance, Fuller's Holy State, bk. iii, ch. 16, 
and Aubry's Brief Lives, ii, 158. The recorded cases may be found 
in Middlesex Records, ii, William and Mary Quarterly, ii, 61, and else- 
where, Neill's Virginia Carolorum, and Brown's First Republic An 
English student, Hugh E. Egerton, in his British Colonial Policy 
(39), takes a gloomy view of the character of the bulk of the early 
Virginia settlers; his opinion is based mainly on the entries in 
Sainsbury's Calendars. The Virginia law of 1661-62 (Hening's 
Statutes, ii, 53), which prohibited the private burial of servants, and 
required that three or four of the neighbors should view the corpse 
before the interment, has been viewed as casting an unfavorable light 
on the treatment of servants by the masters, and incidentally re- 
flecting on the characters of the servants. It may have been passed, 
however, to protect the masters from unjust imputations. 

Punishments in early Virginia were like those in contemporary 
England. For example, in 1624 Edward Sharpies was sentenced in 
Virginia to the pillory, and to have his ears cut off (Virginia Maga- 
zine of History, vii, 135). Six years later, William Matthew, servant, 
was convicted of petit treason by a jury of fourteen persons, and was 
sentenced to be drawn and hanged ( Virginia Records, Ms., Richmond, 
i, 215). Runaway servants were whipped (both men and women) 
and branded, and sometimes condemned to work with a shackle on 
the leg (see Virginia Magazine of History, v, 236, 237 ; viii, 64-73, 
165). Bruce found only one record of a slave dying under the lash 
in all the seventeenth century — although there were probably two 
thousand slaves in the colony in 1670; but the records are very 
imperfect, and some cases may have escaped Bruce's eye. 

III. The Proclamation of 1637. — "A Proclamation against the 
disorderly transporting His Majesties' Subjects to the Plantations 
within the parts of America. 30 April, 13 Charles I." In this it is 
stated that the king is informed " that great noumbers of his sub- 
jects have beene and are every yeare transported into those parts of 
America" which have been granted by patent and there settle with 
their families. Many of them are of "idle and refractory humours 
whose only or principall end is to live as much as they can without 
the reach of authority." It is, therefore, ordered that officers of ports 

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are to suffer no subsidy men, or men of the value of subsidy men, to 
embark for the plantations without license from the commissioners 
of plantations, and none under the value of subsidy men without 
the certificate from two justices of the peace where the emigrant 
last dwelt, that he has taken the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance, 
together with certificate from the minister of his parish that he has 
conformed to the discipline of the Church of England. Said port 
officers to return a list every half year to the commissioners of plan- 
tations of those embarking for the plantations. This proclamation 
is reproduced in facsimile in the Bulletin of the Boston Public 
Library for October, 1894. 

IV. Political Views of Sandys. — Two letters in the "Manchester 
Papers " (Royal Historical Manuscripts Commission's Reports, viii, 
pt. ii, 34, 45) have been held to reflect Sandys's later political ideas. 
The first of these is dated February 12, 1619-20 ; the writer com- 
plains that the "Governor" had introduced a translation of the 
Genevan form of ministering the sacraments. Probably the refer- 
ence was to the governor of the Summer's Isles, and not to Sandys, 
as has been advanced. The second letter is dated May 16, 1623, and 
is to the effect that Sandys is opposed to monarchical institutions in 
general, had moved the Archbishop of Canterbury to give leave to 
Brownists and Separatists to go to Virginia, and designed to make 
a free popular state there with himself and his assured friends as 
leaders. This letter seems to be the same that Brown prints in his 
First Republic (529) and incorrectly quotes on a succeeding page 
(251). It purports to recite a conversation which Sir Nathaniel 
Rich had with Captain Bargrave. The latter is reported as saying 
that Sandys " carried a more malitious heart to the government of a 
monarchy than any man in the world." For Bargrave had heard 
him say that " if our God from Heaven did constitute and direct a 
form of government, it was that of Geneva" and that it was his 
intent " to erect a free state in Virginia." It is well known that 
Sandys befriended the Pilgrims and that he held radical views on 
government in Church and State ; but besides this gossip of Captain 
John Bargrave, there is no evidence that he intended to make a free 
popular state in Virginia with himself as leader. 

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The Old Dominion had its rise in the action of English 
merchants and other public-spirited men ; Maryland owes 
its beginning to the desire of Sir George Calvert to found 
a great family estate in America. He was, perhaps, the 
most respectable and honest of the mediocre statesmen 
whom James, Charles, and Buckingham gathered about 
them. He was an ardent advocate of the Spanish Mar- 
riage. As Secretary of State he was cognizant of the 
agreement of 1623 * that obliged the English king to give 
privileges to members of the proscribed faith which 
were in violation of his coronation oath. In the end 
Calvert's Spanish policy utterly failed and he was obliged 
to resign, 2 but, by humbling himself before Buckingham, 
he was allowed to sell his interest in his office to his suc- 
cessor. Large estates, wrung from the dispossessed Irish 
had already been given him, and it was natural, therefore, 
that his faithfulness to his royal master should be re- 
warded with the title of Baron Baltimore of Baltimore in 
the peerage of Ireland. 8 A few weeks later, on the acces- 

1 See Gardiner' 8 History of England, Mereness says that in 1634 Baltimore be- 

v, 68. came a member of Parliament, although 

* Ibid,, v, 309 ; Eggleston (Beginners no Parliament was held between 1629 and 
of a Nation, 260) prints in full Salviati's 1640. If one had been held, however, 
account of Calvert's fall from power; Baltimore could not have been a member 
Gardiner gives the gist of it. because his religion would have excluded 

• The Baltimore peerage has troubled him from the Commons, while his Irish 
many writers. E. L. Taunton, for ex- peerage would not have admitted him to 
ample, speaks of the second holder of the the Lords. 

title as "Lord Cecil Baltimore," while 

vol. i. — a 241 

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sion of Charles, he refused to take the oaths and retired 
from the Privy Council. Precisely when he became a 
Roman Catholic is not known; nor can it be stated 
whether his interest in the Spanish Marriage was due to 
his conversion or his conversion was the result of prolonged 
intimacy with the Spaniards. 

Sir George Calvert had long been interested in the Eng- 
lish colonization of America. 1 He had subscribed to two 
shares of Virginia stock (twenty-five pounds) ; he was a 
member of the Council for New England and attended at 
least one of its meetings. As Secretary of State it fell to 
his lot to excuse the persecution of Sir Edwin Sandys, 
and on the dissolution of the Virginia Company he be- 
came one of the council to administer the affairs of that 
plantation. His first active interest in colonization, how- 
ever, was in connection with Newfoundland. There, on 
the peninsula of Avalon, he sought to establish a colony 
which was at first Protestant, and after his conversion, 
Roman Catholic. The attempt ended in failure, after 
teaching him valuable lessons and seriously diminishing 
his resources. After a winter's residence in Newfoundland, 
Sir George Calvert, now Lord Baltimore, sought a warmer 
clime and landed at Jamestown with his family and 
followers in October, 1629. But the Virginians disliked 
him as a Roman Catholic, and possibly suspected him of 
designs upon their territory. At all events, they offered 
him the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, which he 
refused to take, although he expressed his willingness to 
take an oath of his own concocting.* He was, therefore, 
ordered out of the colony. 

* Brown's Genesis, II, 8, 41. Virginia) to the Privy Council, Not. 30, 

* Maryland Archives (Council, 163ft- 1629, in Virginia Magazine of History, 
67), iii, 16, 17 ; Bee also letter of Mathews, vii, 374. 

Pott, 8mythe, and Claiborne (Council of 

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Returning to England, Lord Baltimore justified the Vir- 
ginians' dislike by asking the king for a piece of that 
colony for his own use. Upon the dissolution of the com- 
pany, all ungranted lands in Virginia had come into the 
possession of the crown, and the king could grant them, 
or portions of them, to any person or persons who hap- 
pened to please him. Sir Robert Heath, the Attorney- 
general, who had managed the legal side of the destruction 
of the company, also asked for a bit of the Old Dominion 
and, in 1629, received a grant of the southernmost part of 
Virginia and adjoining lands farther to the south. Lord 
Baltimore asked for the land between the James River 
and the thirty-sixth parallel, which was the northern limit 
of Heath's grant, but the Virginians objected so stoutly 
that he was obliged to content himself with the tract 
between the Potomac River and the fortieth parallel, which 
was the southern boundary of New England by the charter 
of 1620. The tract given to Heath the king named Caro- 
lana, for himself ; that given to Baltimore he called Mary- 
land, in honor of his wife, Henrietta Maria, — in its Latin 
form of Terra Maria the suggestion in the latter name 
fitted in happily with the desires of the Catholic founders 
of the colony. 

The province of Maryland extended from New England, 
on the north, to the southern bank of the Potomac River 
from its source to its mouth at a place called Cinquack, 
and thence in an ill-defined manner to the Atlantic Ocean ; 
the western boundary was the meridian of the source of 
the Potomac. Almost every mile of this indefinite fron- 
tier, at one time or another, has been a subject of dispute. 
The source and mouth of a river, for example, are points 
easily alluded to on paper, but they are very difficult to 
determine on the spot. In the case of Maryland the 

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wrong branch of the Potomac was chosen, with the re- 
sult that the whole western limit is erroneous. The In- 
dian word " Cinquack " doubtless meant a precise locality 
to the person who advised George Calvert, but what that 
meaning was has never been ascertained. Moreover, the 
bank of a river is an unusual way of stating a boundary. 
Calvert probably wished to monopolize the commerce of 
the Potomac by naming the southern bank as a bound- 
ary ; but that, in course of time, turned out to be mainly 
Virginian. As the authority of Virginia extended only 
to high-water mark, it was difficult to enforce the duties 
which were laid on tobacco exported and, so long as 
Maryland strove to regulate the commerce of the river, 
friction with Virginia was certain to arise. A century 
and a half later this dispute was turned to happy account 
to bring about the formation of the Federal Union. Even 
the fortieth parallel proved to be difficult of ascertain- 
ment and had to give place to Mason and Dixon's Line. 
Whatever its exact limits may have been, Maryland was 
a splendid estate. Its soil was fitted by nature for the 
easy production of tobacco and breadstufifs, and it was 
blessed with a more salubrious climate than that of the 
James River. Before the charter passed the seals, Sir 
George Calvert died and the patent was issued (1632) to 
his son, Cecil or Cecilius Calvert, second Baron Baltimore, 
also a Roman Catholic. 

The best way to understand the provisions of the Mary- 
land charter as to government is to compare them with 
the corresponding sections in the charters of Avalon 
(1623), Carolana (1629), and New Albion (1634). It is 
evident from even a cursory examination that the Caro- 
lana, Maryland, and New Albion grants are practically 
identical as to jurisdiction and religion. With an im- 

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portant modification as to the tenure of the soil, they are 
evidently modeled on the Avalon patent, which in its 
turn was based on still earlier grants. In fact the three 
later charters have a strong family likeness, which was 
quite natural because Sir Robert Heath probably drew 
all of them, and was himself the grantee named in the 
first. There is little that is novel 1 or peculiar in the 
Maryland patent except that it happened to be the charter 
of the first successful proprietary province. 

The statement of powers conferred upon Baltimore in 
the Maryland charter is so ambiguous and contradictory 
that the intentions of Charles or the expectations of Cal- 
vert are not easy to discern. In one clause the king 
delegates to Baltimore whatever power the Bishop of 
Durham possesses or had ever possessed. As this warlike 
churchman in his diocese had been practically absolute, 
this clause by itself would have conferred" "STmost abso- 
lute power. 2 But the further requirements that the laws 
and ordinances of Maryland should not be repugnant to 
the laws of England and that no interpretation of the 
charter should be permitted by which the allegiance due 
to the king should suffer any diminution destroyed about 
nine tenths of the force of the Bishop of Durham clause. 
Moreover, in Maryland the laws must receive the consent 
of the freemen of the province assembled either in person 
or by deputies. It turned out, therefore, that the proprie- 
tary's power was so circumscribed that the institutions 
of Maryland ultimately became the most liberal of any 
outside of Connecticut and Rhode Island. 

1 For example, the clause prohibiting and Carolana charters as well as in that 
any interpretation of the charter by of Maryland. 

which the allegiance due to the king *See Lapsley's admirable essay on 

should be diminished was in the Avalon the " Palatinate of Durham " in Harvard 

Historical Studies, No. vUi. 

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The religious aspect of the Maryland charter has 
aroused the most interesting speculations. Lord Balti- 
more was given the patronage of all churches and chapels 
which might be established in the province ; but these were 
to be consecrated according to the ecclesiastical laws of 
England. Moreover, no interpretation of the charter 
should be permitted by which the " sacred things of God " 
(sacro 8anctw) y or the allegiance due to the king, may suffer 
any diminution. Substantially the same words are used 
in the Avalon, the Carolana, and the New Albion patents, 
except that in the Avalon grant there is no clause re- 
quiring the churches to be consecrated according to the 
ecclesiastical laws of England, and in the other grants the 
phrase "true Christian religion" replaces " sacro BwnctwP 
In all of these patents the Church mentioned is clearly 
the Established Church of England. It will be well to 
examine the laws of England so far as they governed the 
relations of the Roman Catholics to the crown. 

The Acts of Supremacy and Uniformity (1559) 1 sepa- 
rated the Church in England from the Roman Catholic 
Church, prescribed uniformity in religion for all subjects 
of the English crown, and directed that clergymen should 
acknowledge the religious headship of the monarch by tak- 
ing the Oath of Supremacy. Those who remained faithful 
to the old religion could scarcely fail to deny the right of 
Elizabeth to the throne. Parliament faced this contin- 
gency by making the second denial of the queen's title 
treason. In 1563 Roman Catholics were excluded from 
the legal profession, from teaching, and from the universi- 
ties, and in 1571 the penalties of treason were denounced 

1 1 Elizabeth, c. 1 and 2. The reli- given in the smaller compilations, as Gee 

gioufl laws may be found in the Statutes and Hardy's Documents relating to 

of the Realm, or in other collections of Church History, or Prothero's Select 

English statutes. Portions of them are Statutes, 

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against those who spoke of the queen as " a heretic, scis- 
matic, tyrant, infidel, or usurper of the crown," or ab- 
solved English subjects from their allegiance or received 
such absolution. As the conflict with Spain drew nigh, it 
was provided that Roman Catholic priests should leave 
the realm under the penalty of death in case of return, and 
in 1593 this penalty was extended to all Roman Catholics 
who were not possessed of goods to a considerable amount. 
It was difficult to evade the former of these requirements, 
for any person who was suspected of being «a Jesuit, 
seminary, or massing priest," and refused to answer, 
should go to prison until he became compliant. As for 
well-to-do Roman Catholics, they should retire to their 
estates, and not go above five miles from them without 
license, and should pay twenty pounds each month for not 
attending the services of the Established Church. 

Such was the law at the accession of James. He was 
welcomed by the Roman Catholics, but he was powerless 
to stem the tide of English public opinion. In 1606 and 
1610 three laws dealing with the Roman Catholics were 
placed on the statute book. These provided, in brief, 
that every " Popish recusant convicted " must receive the 
sacrament according to the English form or pay twenty 
pounds the first year, forty pounds the second year, sixty 
pounds the third and succeeding years, in addition to the 
monthly assessment of twenty pounds for not attending 
the regular religious services; and the king might seize 
two thirds of the recusant's lands and hold them until 
he or she should conform, in place of exacting the fine. 
Moreover, all recusants were required to take the Oath of 
Allegiance, which was formulated anew in the law of 1606. 
If printed in full, this oath would occupy a whole page of 
the present volume. The person taking it acknowledged 

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that James was the lawful king of England, that the Pope 
had no power to depose the king or to discharge an Eng- 
lish subject from his allegiance, that, notwithstanding any 
excommunication, he would bear faith and true allegiance 
to the king, and defend him against any conspiracy which 
might arise by reason of such excommunication, that he 
abhorred the damnable doctrine that excommunicated 
princes might be murdered or deposed by their subjects ; 
and that the Pope had no power to absolve him from this 
oath, which is taken without any equivocation on the faith 
of a Christian. After 1610 three members of the Privy 
Council, provided one of them was one of the four great 
officials, might require this oath of any noble, man or 
woman. Moreover, no recusant could bear office in the 
army, or navy, or the judicial system, act as a physician, 
or hold any public office. The act of 1610 was especially 
directed to " the reformation of married women recusants," 
which the lawmakers hoped to accomplish by committing 
all such to prison, except where a husband could and 
would purchase his wife's freedom by the payment of ten 
pounds per month. This extended to all women, those 
above the grade of baroness as well as those below. 

If these laws had been rigorously enforced, there would 
have been an end of Roman Catholicism in England ; but 
they were not rigorously enforced, partly because James 
had a lingering fondness for those who believed religiously 
as his mother had believed, and partly, perhaps, because 
he felt a certain catlike enjoyment in the hold which the 
law gave him on the property of many of his subjects, and 
kept the penalties, fines, and assessments suspended, Damo- 
cles-like, over their heads. The government of England, 
however, was so decentralized in those days and for a cen- 
tury thereafter, that even the good will of the monarch 

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could not avail to protect his people, because the local 
magistrates sometimes, in defiance of the known wishes of 
the king, enforced the laws. According to the Middlesex 
records, it appears that in the ten years preceding 1619 
eleven hundred indictments were returned for not attend- 
ing the services of the Established Church. Some of those 
indicted were Separatists, but most of them were, prob- 
ably, Roman Catholics. The Middlesex magistrates also 
succeeded in ferreting out a priest, John Lockwood, who 
was indicted for having been ordained by pretended au- 
thority derived from the see of Rome, and had remained 
feloniously and traitorously within the kingdom as a false 
traitor to the lord, the king. Lockwood was convicted 
and sentenced to be drawn from Newgate to Tyburn, and 
there be hanged, and while living be cut down and disem- 
boweled, and then be beheaded and quartered and his 
head and quarters be placed where the king has been 
pleased to appoint. Whether Lockwood was executed is 
not stated. 1 Let us hope that James interfered in time 
to save him ; but such was the fate which the laws of 
England in the year 1632 provided for a Roman Catholic 
priest, and the charter of Maryland expressly provided 
that the laws of that province must not be repugnant 
to the laws of England. Had the charter of Maryland 
given to the grantee any power to override the laws of 
England or to dispense with the taking of the oaths which 
the statutes provided that English subjects must take, the 
charter would have been null and void; and had there 
been no such provision in the charter as that just recited, 
laws of Maryland repugnant to English laws would them- 
selves have been null and void, and would have been good 
ground for the overthrow of the charter. It is well for the 

i Middlesex County Records, ii, 63, 80, 188-209. 

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student once in a while to look the facts squarely in 
the face and to remember that while to-day religious 
freedom is a corner stone of American polity, in 1632 
uniformity in religion was the keynote of the policy of 

Although he was unversed in the conduct of affairs, 
Cecil or Cecilius Calvert, the second Baron Baltimore, 1 soon 
showed himself to be an astute, capable man, and the most 
successful absentee landlord of his day. In the manage- 
ment of men he was always tactful and courageously 
liberal. He never saw the shores of Maryland, 2 but on at 
least two occasions it seemed as if he might visit America. 
The first of these was soon after the founding of the colony, 
when he suggested his own appointment as governor of 
Virginia, 8 with a salary of two thousand pounds, as a way 
out of the difficulties which had arisen between that prov- 
ince and Maryland. The other occasion was in 1642, when 
William Arundel, his wife's cousin, petitioned that a writ of 
ne exeat regno might be granted against Baltimore, who was 
intending to depart for Maryland ; the writ was granted, 
but two days later Baltimore made affidavit that he had 
no intention of suddenly leaving the kingdom, and the 
writ was probably not issued. In securing the Maryland 
charter and in colonizing that province, the son simply 
carried out the wishes of the father, in whose mind the 
desire to found a landed estate was the leading motive. 
In the case of Cecilius Calvert, however, the desire to pro- 
vide an asylum for his persecuted fellow Roman Catholics, 

1 Hugh E. Egerton, a recent English his fidelity to the [Puritan] Common- 
writer on British Colonial Policy, thinks wealth as opposed to the stubborn Royal- 
that if statesmanship can he likened to ism of Virginia." This is a harsh judg- 
walking a tight rope " no more trium- ment. 

phant exhibition of such statesmanship * Johns Hopkins University Studies 

was ever given than when the Popish son in History, xxi, 968. 
of the Stuart favorite was able to plead 8 Virginia Magazine of History, x, 267 

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at the moment, was his most prominent motive; but, 
later, when he became financially distressed, material con- 
siderations exercised a very strong influence upon him. 

The early history of Maryland is hard to unravel, and 
probably it always will be, owing to the absence of the 
local records, which disappeared in the troubled times of 
the so-called rebellious in the province ; but the rescue of 
many most important papers from the English descend- 
ants of the founder of Maryland has done something to re- 
veal the motives of Calvert and of those who worked with 
him. Among these is a letter which Charles Calvert, the 
son and successor of Cecilius, wrote in 1678 in answer to 
questions which had been propounded by the Lords of 
Trade. 1 In considering the value of this letter, regard 
should be had for the fact that English Roman Catholics 
were then (in 1678) under the ban of suspicion of com- 
plicity in the Popish Plot, which is connected with the 
names of Titus Oates and Thomas Dangerfield. There 
was every reason, therefore, for Lord Baltimore to make 
out the most favorable case, and especially to guard 
against seeming to favor unduly English Roman Catholics. 
On this account his statements should be regarded with 
great caution. He says that, according to the charter of 
Maryland, the first lord proprietor had absolute liberty to 
carry any persons out of England who should be willing 
to go, but found great difficulty in securing recruits. This 
statement is undoubtedly correct, as the number of English 
Roman Catholics who could emigrate and wished to do 
so must have been very limited, and Baltimore's religion 
would have deterred English Protestants from seeking 

1 Maryland Archives (Council, 1067- latter Is merely an abstract in modern 
87), 267; Fortescue's Calendars of State phrase. 
Papers, under date March 26, 1678. The 

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his province. Adherents of the Established Church, who 
wished to better their condition by going to the New 
World, would find a welcome in Virginia, and nearly all 
varieties of Puritans could be accommodated somewhere 
in New England. Under these circumstances Charles 
Calvert says that only persons would go to Maryland 
"as for some reason or other could not live with ease in 
other places. And of these a great part were such as 
could not conform in all particulars to the several laws 
of England relating to Religion." These were willing to 
emigrate only on condition that all Christians should 
enjoy a general toleration in the new colony, " and that 
reproachful nicknames and reflecting upon each other's 
opinions . . . might be made penal." "These," he con- 
tinued, "were the conditions proposed by such as were 
willing to go and be the first planters of this province, 
and, without the complying with these conditions in all 
probability this province had never been planted." This 
statement seems to refer to the act of 1649, for putting an 
end to religious disputation. It is interesting, however, 
because of the categorical declaration that toleration was 
suggested to the proprietor by the colonists. There was 
no reason why the lord proprietor should have struggled 
against this proposition. Under the rule of general reli- 
gious liberty, Roman Catholics might enjoy the services of 
their own religion, if they were celebrated quietly. Under 
this provision Protestants might also seek the soil of Mary- 
land, and, in time, possibly might dispossess the Roman 
Catholics; but that was a contingency which must be 
faced. Religious toleration was the groundwork of success 
in Maryland. 

In November, 1633, two vessels — the Ark> of three 
hundred tons, and the Dove, of fifty tons — sailed from 

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the Thames with the first emigrants bound for Maryland ; 
but they were speedily turned back by order of Sir John 
Coke, Secretary of State, on account of some informality 
in their clearance papers. They were then boarded by 
the " Searcher," and the Oath of Allegiance was adminis- 
tered to one hundred and twenty-eight passengers. This 
being done, the ships were allowed to sail ; but before 
finally leaving England they put in at the Isle of Wight 
where three Jesuit priests came aboard, and profcably 
other persons also. In a letter to Lord Strafford, writ- 
ten at the time, Lord Baltimore says that about twenty 
gentlemen and three hundred laboring men had embarked 
for Maryland. 1 The three hundred in this letter is usually 
regarded as a mistake for two hundred, which number is 
more in accord with other accounts, and also with the size 
of the vessels. The religious convictions of these colonists 
is uncertain — if oaths had any efficacy in those days, one 
hundred and twenty-eight of them were Protestants. 
Another indication of the religious proportions of this 
first band of emigrants to Maryland is contained in the 
Bdatio Iimeris of Father White. He tells us that of 
the dozen who died on the passage to the Chesapeake two 
only were Roman Catholics. It can by no means be 
argued from this statement that five sixths of the colo- 
nists were Protestants, because, undoubtedly, most of the 
leaders were Roman Catholics. The bulk of the passen- 
gers, among whom most of the Protestants would be 
found, were laboring men and women, who must have 
been fearfully crowded on the narrow decks of vessels 
no larger than the Ark and the Dove. Among these the 
mortality would have been the greatest. It is probable 
that in the first few decades three out of every four 

* Strafford's Letters and Dispatches (ed. 1789), i, 178. 

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persons in Maryland were not of the faith of the lord 
proprietor. 1 

When the preparations for the first expedition were well 
begun, Baltimore drew up an elaborate set of instructions 
for the guidance of his brother, Leonard Calvert, who was 
to represent him in the colony. In these instructions he 
gave positive directions that the services of the Roman 
Catholic religion should be performed "as privately as 
may be," and that no scandal or offense should be given 
to any of the Protestants.* These directions were " to be 
observed on land as well as at sea " ; but Leonard Calvert 
and the Jesuit fathers ignored them from the start. The 
Jesuits, indeed, may well have rejoiced at the successful 
accomplishment of the first stage toward the realization 
of their dream of founding a Roman Catholic colony 
within English dominions. In other words, they hoped 
to do for England what Le Jeune 8 and the French Jesuits 
had planned to do for France and to save the souls of 
the natives within the English sphere of influence as the 

i Writing in 1642, Father More, 8 J., 
stated that in " leading the colony to 
Maryland by far the greater were here- 
tics ' ' (Foley's Records of the English 
Province of the Society of Jesus, iii, 
section 7, 364). In 1641 Father White 
said that " three parts in four at least 
are heretics " (Foley's Records as above, 
362) . Possibly these statements did not 
refer to the first colonists, as Eggleston 
(Beginners, 263) points oat. Bancroft, 
Johnson, and other Protestant writers 
have generally deemed them conclusive 
as to the religion of the first settlers. 

* Maryland Historical Society's Fund 
Publications, No. 28 (" Calvert Papers "), 
132. "Inpri: His Low requires his said 
Gouernor & Commissioners th*- in their 
voyage to Mary Land they be very care- 
full to preserue vnity & peace amongst 
all the passengers on Shipp-board, and 
that they suffer no scandall nor offence 
to be giuen to any of the Protestants,. 

whereby any lust complaint may here- 
after be made, by them, in Virginea or 
in England, and that for that end, they 
cause all Acts of Romane Catholique Re- 
ligion to be done as priuately as may be, 
and that they instruct all the Bomane 
Catholiques to be silent vpon all occa- 
sions of discourse concerning matters of 
Religion ; and that the said Gouernor & 
Commissioners treate the Protestants w**» 
as much mildness and fauor as Justice 
will permitt. And this to be obserued at 
Land as well as at Sea." 

* While the Maryland colonists were 
steering across the Atlantic, Father Le 
Jeune was gaining his first actual knowl- 
edge of Indian life. In 1634 the Huron 
Mission was established by the heroic 
Brebeuf. Cf. Parkman's Jesuits in North 
America, chs. iv, v, and Thwaites's ad- 
mirable edition of the Jesuit Relations, 
Whether there was any connection be- 
tween the two schemes is not yet known. 

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French missionaries desired to save those who lived in the 
frosty regions farther north. The plan was a noble one, 
but the English missionaries were hopelessly handicapped 
by the mere fact of their English allegiance. The mode 
in which they sought to accomplish their designs was in 
conflict with laws which had been on the English statute 
book for centuries. It met, therefore, with the determined 
opposition of the wily and able Lord Baltimore. 

Full of enthusiasm, little imagining the bitter disap- 
pointment which the future had in store, Father White 
and his companion priests, while still in sight of the shores 
of England, committed the principal parts of the Ark 
"to the protection of God especially, and of His most 
Holy Mother and Saint Ignatius, and all the guardian 
angels of Maryland." 1 The mariners murmured some- 
what at this, and, but for an accident, the expedition 
might have come to an ending before it left the Isle of 
Wight. As it was, however, the ships cleared the English 
Channel, and pursuing the tedious and roundabout south- 
ern route reached the Chesapeake with the loss of only 
twelve of the passengers. Arrived in the Potomac, their 
first care was to explore that river for a suitable site for 
their settlement. To every headland, island, bay, and 
stream, they gave a saintly name. Forgetting the injunc- 
tion of Lord Baltimore to perform their services "as 
privately as may be " they publicly celebrated mass on St. 
Clement's Isle and declared that they had come to Mary- 
land " to glorify the Blood of Our Redeemer in the salva- 
tion of barbarians, and also to raise up a kingdom for 
the Saviour [and] to consecrate another gift to the Im- 
maculate Virgin, His Mother." 

i These details are taken from Father White's Belatio Itinerii, of which numer- 
ous editions have been printed. 

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The place which they finally pitched upon for their first 
settlement was on the borders of a small river which 
makes into the Potomac not far from its mouth, and 
which they named St. George, for England's patron saint ; 
their first town they called St. Mary's. On the shore of 
this stream was an Indian village occupying what seemed 
to them to be the most eligible location. In return for a 
present of knives, hoes, axes, and English cloth — articles 
of inestimable value to the Indians — the natives aban- 
doned to the newcomers one half and then all of their 
huts ; and they even seem to have labored for the whites. 

Among the more energetic Virginia colonists was Wil- 
liam Claiborne, or Cleburn, as the name is pronounced 
and now generally spelled. 1 He had originally come to 
Jamestown as surveyor for the company; but at this 
time he held from the king the appointment of secretary 
of the province, and later on was appointed treasurer of 
Virginia for life. His professional duties, and the business 
of fur trader, which he pursued with profit, had given 
him an acquaintance with the outlying parts of Virginia. 
When Baltimore applied to the crown for a grant of land 
within the old chartered limits of Virginia, Claiborne had 
gone to England to oppose him. He had established a 
post on Kent Island, in the Upper Chesapeake, at least 
as early as 1629, 9 and probably as far back as 1625, 8 having 
purchased the land from the natives. In 1631, some time 
before the Maryland patent was issued, Claiborne had ob- 
tained from the king a document giving him the right to 
carry on the fur trade along the coast. In 1631 also his 

1 For his descendants, see Virginia col and Genealogical Register for April, 

Magazine of History, i, 313-324, 436-440 ; 1873, 125-135. 
ii, 424-425 ; viii, 382. There is a valuable * Neill's Terra Marim, 94. 

paper on Claiborne from the Mss. of * Doyle's English in America, i, 388. 

S. F. Streeter in New England HutorU 

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settlement had sent a burgess to the Virginia general 
assembly. 1 When the Maryland colonists appeared, Clai- 
borne asked the advice of the Virginia Council, of which 
he was a member. In giving their answer the councilors 
were doubtless influenced by a letter from the Privy 
Council, in which it was stated that private rights would 
not be affected by the grant to Lord Baltimore, so Clai- 
borne went on with his business without permission 
from the Maryland authorities. As he carried on his 
enterprise under a license from the English king, and had 
purchased from the Indians the island on which his station 
was established, he may well have thought that he came 
within the purview of the Privy Council's declaration. 
Upon the righteous treatment of him and his partners, the 
peaceful settlement of Maryland largely depended. Un- 
fortunately it fell out otherwise, owing, in part, to the 
inexperience and incapacity of Leonard Calvert, and also, 
in part, to the jealousy of a rival Virginia fur trader. The 
latter told the Marylanders that Claiborne was inciting 
the Indians to attack them on the ground that they were 
enemies of England and friends of the Spaniards. 2 This 
was an atrocious calumny, for the Indians, upon being 
summoned before a mixed board of Virginians and Mary- 
landers, denied that Claiborne had said anything of 
the kind ; but Baltimore, acting on this misinformation, 8 
directed his brother to arrest Claiborne and keep him 
prisoner and confiscate his property. Early in 1635, 
therefore, one of Claiborne's trading boats was seized by 

* Hening*s Statutes, i, 154. more intended to deal fairly with Clai- 
3 Maryland Archives (Council, 1667- borne, and so instructed his brother, who 

87), 165-167, 187; Maryland Historical bungled the business. See also Bernard 

Society's Fund Publications, No. ix, Steiner's "Beginnings of Maryland" 

M Streeter's Papers," 68-70. (Johns Hopkins University Studies in 

• Latan£ (Early Relations of Virginia History, vol. xxi). These accounts are 
and Maryland, 14) points out that Balti- the best that have yet appeared. 

vol. i. — s 

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the Marylanders. Armed conflicts followed, in which Clai- 
borne's men were defeated; some of them were killed, 
others were wounded, and one of them was hanged as a 
pirate. The mode adopted to dispose of this so-called 
pirate is unique in the annals of colonial jurisprudence. 
Captain Thomas Cornwallis commanded the party which 
captured him; he then sat on the jury which indicted 
him ; was later one of his eighteen judges in the guise of 
a member of the Maryland assembly ; as a councilor, he 
voted to confirm the governor's sentence of death ; and as 
a member of the assembly voted for a bill confirming the 
death sentence. 1 The Maryland assembly also passed a 
bill attainting William Claiborne of sundry contempts, 
insolvencies, and seditious acts, mutinies, commanding sun- 
dry persons to commit the grievous crimes of piracy and 
murder, and declared his property forfeited to the lord 
proprietor. 2 Complicated legal proceedings in England 
followed. In the end Baltimore's title to Kent Island was 
established to the satisfaction of the lawyers; but the 
rightfulness of this decision is not at all clear to the his- 
torical student. As for Claiborne, he retired to Virginia 
and waited for his opportunity. 

The Indians living at St. Mary's and in the immediate 
vicinity belonged to a worn-out and dying stock. They 
welcomed the coming of the Englishmen to protect them 
from the more masterful tribes of the interior and readily 
fell under the influence of the Jesuit missionaries. With 
the Susquehannas, who lived on the upper shores of the 
Chesapeake and in the valley of the river which still bears 
their name, and with thp Indians of the middle Potomac, 

1 Maryland Historical Society's Fund * Maryland Historical Society's Fund 

Publications, No.ix, " Streeter*8 Papers," Publications, No. ix, " Streeter's Papers," 
42-00, 143. 54. 

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1689-44] INDIAN WAKS 269 

the case was very different. They attacked the whites, 
and the whites retaliated. In 1639, 1640, 1641, 1642, 1643, 
and 1644, for six consecutive years, the Maryland records 
give us accounts of expeditions against the Indians. In 
1643 either the strong tribes had penetrated to the vicinity 
of St. Mary's, or the Indians who had at first been friendly 
had now turned against the whites, for in that year Leon- 
ard Calvert by proclamation authorized any one to shoot 
any Indian who was found near the settlement except 
those who bore visibly « a white flag or fane." The next 
year Giles Brent, who acted as governor in the absence of 
Leonard Calvert, authorized the inhabitants to "shoot 
them whatsoever Indians they are." Indeed, throughout 
the eighteenth century the Indians greatly troubled the 
settlers of Maryland. 

The Maryland system of landholding had little fixity; 
it rested upon instructions which Lord Baltimore gave 
to his brother Leonard, the first governor, and these the 
proprietor felt free to alter, as he did in 1641, 1648, 1649, 
and at other times. The terms upon which he parted 
with his property varied according to the year in which 
a settler went out, but the prevalent idea was to give 
land in accordance with the number of persons whose 
transportation the colonist provided and always upon a 
rental tenure. In the beginning the proprietor clearly 
had it in mind to encourage the formation of large es- 
tates, 1 the grantee to enjoy manorial rights. Land was 

* For example, Captain Thomas Corn- It has been said that Cornwallis was 

wallifl, " one of the greatest propagators a Protestant. This was true of the 

and increasers" of the colony, secured Cornwallis family in general, bnt the 

land on account of seventy persons Maryland Thomas Cornwallis, writing to 

whom he transported to the province. Baltimore, describes himself as " a real 

Another large grant was to the Jesuit Catholic " (Maryland Historical Soci- 

fathers, White and Copley, who secured ety's Fund Publication*, No. 28, 172). 

land by virtue of the transportation of He was also charged before the House of 

sixty persons. Lords with taking certain children to the 

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also granted to those who advanced money to the lord 
proprietor but who did not emigrate to the colony. In 
no long time the large grants began to be split into small 
parcels, and a system of small proprietors came into exist- 
ence. At one time, however, it seemed as if the Jesuits 
were on the point of absorbing a considerable portion of 
the province. 

Three thousand miles of blue water between Maryland 
and the nearest English bishop made the missionaries 
forgetful of the English statute book. They had come 
to America to found an asylum for persecuted English 
Roman Catholics and to convert the heathen to the 
Christian faith. 1 In the latter part of their plan they 
had good success. As they were large importers of 
laborers, they secured great tracts from the proprietary's 
agents, and then forgetful of what they owed him, they 
purchased other lands from the Indians. Moreover, they 
maintained the supremacy of the Canon Law over the 
legislation of Parliament, lord proprietor, and assembly, 
and declared that the Bull " In Coena Domini " placed 
opposers under the displeasure of Almighty God. When 
Baltimore realized what was going on, he was greatly 
disturbed, for the Jesuits were acting in defiance of the 
Statute of Mortmain. If their purposes and doings were 
once understood in England, the Maryland charter would 
not be worth a month's purchase. Its forfeiture would 
cost Baltimore and his partners thousands of pounds and, 
more important, would destroy the only place of compara- 

oolony against their mother's wishes for tory in American Catholic Quarterly Re~ 

the alleged purpose of "seducing them view and American Catholic Historical 

to popery." See Lords Journals, viii, Researches, The matter is well summed 

index, under Foord and Cornwallis, or up from the same standpoint in J. G. 

Maryland Archives (Council, 1696-67), Shea's " The Catholic Church in Colonial 

164 and fol. Days," 28-85. (This forms volume i of 

1 There are valuable articles on the A History of the Catholic Church within 

Roman Catholic side of Maryland's his- the Limits of the United States,) 

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tive safety for Roman Catholics within English dominions. 
So he sent John Lewger — a personal friend of his and 
a very capable man — to Maryland as his agent and also 
as Secretary of the Province (1637). Mr. Lewger was 
a recent convert to the Faith but he speedily brought 
matters to an issue with the missionaries. These com- 
plained to the lord proprietor that the new secretary 
maintained that in an English dominion the privileges 
of the Church depended on the temporal law. On the 
contrary, they asked, was not a restricter of ecclesiastical 
liberty liable to excommunication? To Baltimore this 
suggestion seemed to be " very extravagant," to use his 
own words. With his tactful patience, he chose his time, 
and in 1641 he struck the blow. In that year he drew 
up new regulations for the granting of land, which in- 
cluded the recognition of the principle of the Statute of 
Mortmain. He also secured from Henry More, Provincial 
of the Jesuits in England, a release of the property of 
that order in Maryland, and a declaration that the en- 
forcement of the English laws would not bring upon 
himself or Mr. Lewger or his other officers in Maryland 
the anathema of the Bull " In Coena Domini." Lord 
Baltimore evidently felt that it was desirable to justify 
himself for these proceedings, especially in the eyes of his 
brother. He therefore wrote Leonard Calvert explaining 
his policy. In this letter 1 he declared that the Jesuits 
designed his destruction and would use English or Indians 
to accomplish their object, all under the pretense of 
God's honor and the propagation of the Christian faith, 
which to his mind was only a mask or vizard to hide 
their designs. " If all things," he continued, " that clergy- 

i Maryland Historical Society's Fund Publications, No. 28, "Calvert Papers," 
pt. i, p. 217. 

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men should do upon these pretenses should be accounted 
just and to proceed from God, laymen were the basest 
slaves and most wretched creatures upon the earth." 
Evidently he was not that kind of layman, for he went 
on to declare that if the greatest saint upon earth intruded 
himself into his house to save the souls of his family and 
at the same time to bring about his temporal destruction, 
he should expel such an enemy and provide other clergy- 
men to perform the necessary spiritual task — " those that 
will be impudent must be as impudently dealt withal." 
Nevertheless, he permitted the Jesuit mission to continue 
in the colony on a modest scale and in due subordination 
to himself ; but the days of its prosperity were over. 

The subject of religion in Maryland has afforded an al- 
most inexhaustible field for argument, and the answers to 
the various questions which have been raised seem to de- 
pend somewhat upon the religious convictions of the debat- 
ers. The theme has attracted the attention of eminent 
men, as Mr. Gladstone 1 and Cardinal Manning ;• of patient 
students, as Edward Neill, Sebastian F. Streeter, and Brad- 
ley T. Johnson ; and of brilliant writers, as George Ban- 
croft and Edward Eggleston. 3 The publication of the 
Maryland records and of the Calvert Papers has made it 
possible to review the question ; but some points still 
remain open to doubt. 

In the early days of the province two religious cases 
came up for adjudication and were both decided against 
the Roman Catholics. The first of these was decided in 
1638. It appears that William Lewis, a Roman Catholic 
overseer of Captain Cornwallis's servants, chanced upon 

1 Preface to Rome and the Newest • Maryland also sometimes competes 

Fashions in Religion, with Rhode Island as showing the way to 

* The Vatican Decrees in their Bear- religions freedom ; see, for instance, 

ing on Civil Allegiance. American Catholic Quarterly t xx, 289. 

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two of them as they were reading aloud from a Protestant 
book. Possibly realizing Lewis's proximity, the reader 
raised his voice and recited how " the Pope was antichrist 
and the Jesuits antichristian ministers." At this, the 
overseer turned on them, asserted that what they were 
reading " came from the devil," that all Protestant minis- 
ters were " ministers of the devil," and forbade them to 
read that book any more. Thereupon, the servants set 
about formulating a petition to the Virginia authorities 
praying them to intervene, on the ground that Lewis was 
a traitor under the laws of England. But the Maryland 
rulers at once interfered to avoid the dangers to which 
such an appeal would have exposed the enterprise. They 
fined Lewis five hundred pounds of tobacco and placed 
him under bonds of three thousand pounds of tobacco 
to refrain from "incautious and unnecessary arguments 
in matters of religion . . . ignominious words, or speeches, 
touching the books or ministers authorized by the Church 
of England." 1 

The second case is more difficult to understand and had 
to do with one of the important men of the colony, Mr. 
Thomas Gerrard. Having taken away the key of "the 
chapel " and carried off certain books, he was ordered to 
restore key and books and pay a fine of five hundred 
pounds of tobacco. It is not unlikely that this dispute 
was partly in the nature of a family affair, since Mrs. 
Gerrard was a " Protestant Catholic," which term is some- 
times used in the Maryland records to describe adherents 
of the Established Church. The details of the conflict, 
however, are unimportant, for it is perfectly clear from 

1 This case is to be found in Maryland the attention of Roman Catholic writers, 
Archives (Provincial Court, 1637-BO), see American Catholic Historical Re- 
p. 36 and fol. It has naturally attracted searches, xi, 58. 

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what we know of these cases that the Roman Catholic gov- 
ernment of Maryland was determined to give no offense to 
Protestants, and it is equally clear that this policy was dis- 
tasteful to some of the early Roman Catholic colonists. 

The fifteen years before 1660 were full of trouble and 
anxiety for Lord Baltimore. He had undertaken a task 
which proved to be far beyond his financial means, and 
he was living in comparative poverty. Whatever part 
material considerations may have played in the inception 
of the Maryland design, there can be little doubt that Bal- 
timore was forced by his necessities to look well to the 
possibility of gaining money from the colony. Up to this 
time settlers had been attracted to Maryland in small 
numbers. There is no accessible information as to the 
size of the population or of the numbers of immigrants 
who sought its shores ; but there is no reason to suppose 
that these numbers were large. On the other hand, there 
does not seem to have been the terrible loss of life at St. 
Mary's that there was at Jamestown. Moreover, although 
Indian wars lasted for years, there was no general mas- 
sacre like those which wrought disaster in Virginia. 
Nevertheless, the province did not prosper. For this there 
were several reasons. The religion of the lord proprietor 
and of the leading men of Maryland and the toleration of 
Roman Catholics in that province served to send Protes- 
tant settlers to Virginia or New England, rather than 
to Maryland. Furthermore, the enforcement of the con- 
tracts under which land was granted and the firm grasp 
which Lord Baltimore strove to keep on the governmental 
organization made immigrants prefer colonies where more 
liberal conditions prevailed. As to the second of the de- 
terrent influences just enumerated, it is true that quit- 
rents were exacted in Virginia; but they were collected 

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with difficulty, and for long periods of time were scarcely 
collected at all. At one time, indeed, Lord Baltimore sug- 
gested to the crown that if he were placed in command 
in Virginia he could increase thfe royal revenue derived 
from that province by some eight thousand pounds ster- 
ling. In Maryland the land office was well managed ; but 
the comparison of the methods pursued on either side of 
the Potomac was likely to induce settlers to seek Virginia 
and not Maryland. Above all, the constitutional arrange- 
ments of early Maryland were not altogether to the liking 
of the colonists. 

The Maryland charter gave extensive legislative rights 
to the lord proprietor, guaranteed the rights of English- 
men to the settlers, arid secured to the crown the un- 
diminished allegiance of Baltimore and of his colonists. 
Legislative power in the province was exercised by the 
proprietor with the consent of the freemen of the prov- 
ince, assembled in person or by deputy, in such manner 
and form as should seem best to the proprietor. To him 
also was given the power to make ordinances ; but both 
laws and ordinances must not be contrary to the laws of 
England. Furthermore, the ordinances could not " extend 
to oblige, bind, charge, or take away the goods or chattels, 
or interest of any person or persons, of, or in member, life, 
freehold, goods or chattels." Upon the interpretation and 
application of these conflicting and ambiguous phrases the 
growth of the province of Maryland and the freedom of its 
people depended. 

In the beginning Baltimore acted as if the charter author- 
ized him to formulate statutes to which the settlers should 
give their assent or dissent ; but the colonists insisted on 
taking unto themselves the right of initiative and circum- 
stances compelled Baltimore to yield. He then tried to 

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reduce the power of the colonists to the- lowest possible 
point by manipulation of the franchise and the apportion- 
ment. These, as stated in the charter, depended entirely 
upon the action of the lord proprietor, except so far as 
the freemen were able to force him to comply with their 
desires, which proved to be a long and arduous task. 
The earliest assemblies seem to have included all the free- 
holders of *he province. The phrase used in the charter 
was " liberorum hominum," which is translated freemen ; 
but in the charters which have practically the same pro- 
visions as the Maryland grant the word is freeholder, and 
as a matter of fact "liberorum hominum" was so inter- 
preted in Maryland; but as practically every person who 
was not a servant was a freeholder, the words " freeman " 
and " freeholder " were really synonymous. These general 
meetings were found to be inconvenient as soon as the 
colonists began to plant at any distance frorta St. Mary's. 
A curious custom then grew up of allowing such freemen 
as could not be present to send their proxies to those who 
were to attend the meeting. Frequently the governor and 
secretary — both of whom were appointed by Baltimore — 
held enough proxies from absent freemen to outvote all 
those present ; but sometimes two or even one of the lead- 
ing men held enough proxies to outvote both governor 
and secretary. In 1641, for instance, Giles Brent, with 
seventy-three proxies, formed a standing majority of the 
assembly. Then the freeholders began to depute one or 
more of their number to represent them in the assembly ; 
but there were curious variations in the working of this 
institution. For example, we find that John Longford 
voted for Robert Philpot as delegate from the Island of 
Kent. 1 He then repented his vote, attended the assembly 

1 Maryland Archives (Assembly, 1637-64), 6. 

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in person, " revoked his voice," and was allowed to sit and 
vote alongside of the delegate who represented the other 
freemen of the Island — all of which may be regarded as 
a somewhat unusual mode of minority representation. 
As time went on these irregularities were remedied. The 
larger estates were subdivided; servants became freemen 
entitled each to fifty acres of land and a vote. In this 
way the suffrage in Maryland came to be enjbyed by as 
large a proportion of the population as in Virginia, per- 
haps even by a larger proportion. 

The phrase "liberorum hominum" did not carry its 
usual connotation to a certain spinster who is described 
in the records as " Mistress Margaret Brent." She was a 
woman of ability and resolution, as her appointment to 
administer the property of the lately deceased Leonard 
Calvert shows. In this capacity she demanded a seat and 
voice in the assembly and was refused ; whereupon " the 
s'd Mrs. Brent protested against all proceedings in this 
present Assembly unless she may be present and have a 
vote as aforesaid." In the reigns of Elizabeth and James, 
women sometimes voted in town and parish meeting in 
England, and there are instances of their holding office. 
It is not improbable that Mistress Margaret Brent regarded 
the government of Maryland as analogous to that of an 
English public corporation and, therefore, held that her 
action was not in the nature of demanding political rights. 

In no long course of time Maryland lost much of its 
early aristocratic character and became a colony of small 
landed proprietors. In general, the cultivation of the soil 
of a state or colony by numerous freeholders is regarded 
as the most favorable form of social organization. In the 
case of Maryland, however, it proved to be otherwise, for 
the products of Maryland in the early times, like those of 

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Virginia, demanded cultivation on a large scale. It fell 
out in this way, therefore, that the liberal provisions which 
had been made for the reward of servants really retarded 
the prosperity of the proprietary province north of the 
Potomac in comparison with the royal province which lay 
south of that river. 

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I. Bibliography. — The Maryland Historical Society, " by authority 
of the State/' has published many volumes of records under the 
general title of Archives of Maryland. The volumes have no con- 
secutive numbering, and are usually cited by some contraction of 
the long title, as "Council, 1687-93." These volumes are ex- 
ceedingly valuable to any one who wishes to gain an insight into 
Maryland institutions. Another helpful collection of original matter 
is the "Calvert Papers," which the Maryland Historical Society 
is printing in its Fund Publications. The great value of some of 
the papers printed, and the promise held out by the "Calendar" 
prefixed to the first selection, prompts the wish that the society will 
see its way clear to printing more of the documents in full. Foley's 
Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus (vol. iii) has 
some interesting matter dealing with Maryland ; but E. L. Taunton 
(Jesuits in England, p. viii) states that " Foley's value consists almost 
as much in his omissions as in his admissions. And I am bound to 
remark," he goes on to say, " that I have found him, at a critical 
point, quietly leaving out, without any signs of omission, an essen- 
tial part of a document which was adverse to his case." 

John Leeds Bozman studied the manuscript records of Maryland 
to good purpose. His History of Maryland is still a serviceable book, 
although it was first published in 1811, — the best edition is that of 
1837. The second volume covers the years 1633-60. He did not have 
access to the " Calvert Papers " or to the Jesuit records ; much of 
what he says on religious topics, therefore, needs revision. Bernard 
Steiner's " Beginnings of Maryland " in the Johns Hopkins Studies 
(vol. xxi) is the best concise account of Maryland's founding that 
has yet appeared; it is especially good on the Claiborne episode. 
McMahon's Historical View (vol. i, all ever published) is oftentimes 
instructive, although printed in 1831, and Mereness's Maryland as 
a Proprietary Province is a useful compilation on the institutional 
side. Kilty's Landholder's Assistant contains many documents which 
are of use to the student of the constitutional history of the province. 

II. Northey's Opinion. — In this connection the opinion of 
Attorney-general Northey, given in 1705, is of interest : " As to the 
said clause in the grant of the province of Maryland to the Lord 
Baltimore, relating to ecclesiastical power, I am of opinion the same 

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doth not give him any power to do anything contrary to the ecclesi- 
astical laws of England, but he hath only the advowsons of, and 
power to erect and consecrate churches! and such power as the Bishop 
of Durham had, as each palatine, in his county palatine, who was 
subject to the laws of England; and the consecration of chapels 
ought to be by orthodox ministers only." See the opinion in full 
in Chalmers's Opinions of Eminent Lawyers, i, 2, or p. 42 of the 
American reprint, or Forsyth's Cases, 31. 

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Seventeenth-centuby Puritanism was an attitude of 
mind 1 rather than a system of theology, — it was idealism 
applied to the solution of contemporary problems. ■ In 
religion it took the form of a demand for preaching min- 
isters and for carrying to its logical ending the reforma- 
tion in the ecclesiastical fabric which Elizabeth had begun 
and had stopped halfway. In society it assumed the 
shape of a desire to elevate private morals, which were 
shockingly low. In politics it stood for a new movement 
in national life which required the extirpation of the relics 
of feudalism and the recognition of the people as a power 
in the State. In short, Puritanism marked the beginning 
of the rising tide of human aspiration for something better 
than the world had yet known. If this definition is vague, 
Puritanism itself was vague. In the reign of James I 
the word " Puritan " was regarded as a term of reproach. 
For instance, in 1620 a member of the House of Commons, 
using the word in debate, was " staid by command," and, 
later, railing against Puritans, was expelled. 9 There was 
no organized Puritan party with a platform or statement 
of principles. If one had inquired of the men who are now 

* E. L. Taunton, in his interesting mission's Reports, xiv, pt. 2, p. 13 ; De- 
book on the Jesuits in England, says bates 0/1620-21,1,45. Sir Edward Coke, 
that Puritanism was " not so much a re- in the course of this debate, declared that 
ligious as a mental attitude." Acting on "whatsoever hindereth the observation 
this definition, he stigmatizes Father of the sanctification of the Sabbath is 
Parsons, S.J., as a Pari tan ! against the Scriptures." 

* Royal Historical Manuscripts Com- 


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designated as Puritans what their wishes were, he would 
have met with nearly as many answers as there were men 
of whom he made the inquiry. Between the Nonconform- 
ists, who regularly attended the services of the Established 
Church, and the Brownists, who held that the " establish- 
ment " was sinful and refused to attend its ministrations, 
there was a gulf much wider and deeper than that which 
separated a conservative* Nonconformist from those who 
adhered strictly to the service book. 1 In the course of 
their religious conflicts the Puritans found themselves in 
alliance with all the forces of unrest in the State, until 
their party, if such a word may be used, comprised all 
persons who were opposed to the government of England 
in Church and State as it was administered by the second 

Most numerous among the Puritans were the Noncon- 
formists. These were clergymen and laymen who scrupled 
some one or more things in the church service or regula- 
tions, but continued to attend the parish churches. Some 
of them disliked the surplice, others thought that the use 
of the ring in the marriage ceremony was a relic of pre- 
Christian days, practically all of them desired a preaching 
ministry. In 1603 the Nonconformists did not object 
to the bishops, but as the conflict assumed, more and 
more, the form of a contest with the hierarchy, they 
demanded that the laity should be represented in the 

1 The word " Puritan " is often used Bradford and the early settlers at Plym- 

inaccorately by writers on American his- onth from the Puritans and call them 

tory to denote only the people of Massa- Pilgrims. Any such use of the word 

chusetts Bay. To these authors the " Puritan " is historically inaccurate and 

Massachusetts people seem to be apart therefore undesirable. Roger Williams, 

from the rest of the world, and to be William Cod ding ton, William Bradford, 

alone entitled to the distinction of being William Brewster, John Winthrop, John 

classed with Cromwell, Milton, Hamp- Endicott, John Haynes, Thomas Hooker, 

den, and other great Puritans. Some Theophilus Eaton, and John Davenport 

New England writers seek to separate were all Puritans. 

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church organization ; in the end the great mass of them 
favored Presbyterianism. As their name implies, the 
Nonconformists belonged to the national Church. They 
proposed to stay in it, to gain control of it, and to mold 
it to their will. They had no desire of toleration for 
themselves, and they had no intention of tolerating any 
one else. In truth, in this respect at least, " New presby- 
ter was old priest writ large," to use Milton's phrase: 
the on^was as intolerant as the other. Next in impor- 
tance among those who came to be called Puritans were 
the Independents. These cut loose from the Established 
Church, or, perhaps it would be better to say, were turned 
out of that body. They set up for themselves, each little 
congregation managing its own religious affairs. The 
Independents had little interest in the religious beliefs 
of others, and were willing, for the most part, to tolerate 
almost any one, even Roman Catholics and Jews; in 
return they demanded toleration for themselves. At the 
extreme end of the Puritan line were a few earnest per- 
sons who adhered to the ideas of Robert Browne, and 
may fairly be called Brownists. These regarded the exist- 
ing Established Church as contrary to the Gospel. They 
separated themselves from that organization and would 
probably, had the chance come to them, have put an end 
to the establishment. 

On James's southward journey in 1608 a deputation of 
Nonconformists intercepted him and presented a petition 
to which nearly one thousand clergymen of the Church of 
England had given their assent ; for this reason it is known 
as the Millenary Petition. The petitioners asked (1) that 
the cross in baptism and the ring in marriage be omitted, 
(2) that the cap and surplice be not required, (3) that 
church songs and music be " moderated to better edifica- 

▼OL. I. — T 

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tion," (4) that the Lord's day be not profaned, (5) that 
« popish opinions " be no longer taught, (6) that none but 
preaching ministers be maintained, (7) that pluralities and 
nonresidency be abolished, (8) that ministers be compelled 
to subscribe only to the Articles of Religion and the royal 
supremacy and not be compelled to acknowledge the 
validity of every word in the service book, and finally 
(9) they requested that men be not excommunicated " for 
trifles and twelve penny matters," In these demands were 
contained all the principal points of dissatisfaction with 
the existing Church settlement. Many of them take 
us back to the early days of Elizabeth's reign and to 
the Convocation of 1563, 1 when the Church refused by 
one vote to grant them. It must be remembered, how- 
ever, that the Queen's " Injunctions " of 1559 had already 
granted a considerable part of the demands of the earlier 
radicals. For instance, in that document Elizabeth had 
commanded that once in each month every clergyman 
should preach that "works devised by man's fantasies, 
besides Scripture, as wandering of pilgrimages, setting up 
of candles, praying upon beads, or such like supersti- 
tion, have not only no promise of reward in Scripture, 
but, contrariwise, great threatenings and maledictions of 
God " ; * and the ministers should not extol the dignity of 

*By 1663 the more radical men Archbishop of York, would have granted 

among the Protestants had come to an all or most of these demands. Of the 

agreement on certain points and pre- members of Convocation present, forty- 

sented their demands to Convocation, three voted in favor of granting them 

They asked that (1) Sundays and "the and thirty-five against. When the proxies 

principal feasts of Christ be kept holy were counted, however, the settlement 

days " and that all other holy days be was defeated by one vote, there being 

abrogated ; (2) that the minister should fifty-eight Ayes and fifty-nine Noes, 

face the people and read distinctly; The vote of one man, and he an absentee, 

(3) that the cross in baptism be aban- decreed that the Established Church 

doned ; (4) that kneeling be left to the should never be a truly national church, 

discretion of the several bishops; (5) that See Prothero's Statutes, 191, from 

the surplice only be used ; and (6) that Strype's Annals, i, 502. 

organs be removed. Edwin Sandys, * Prothero's Statutes, 184-190. The 

Bishop of Worcester, and afterwards clauses quoted in this paragraph are con- 

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images, relics, or miracles. Elizabeth further enjoined 
that all shrines, " paintings, and all other monuments " of 
superstition should be taken away, " so that there remain 
no memory of the same in walls, glass windows, or else- 
where." * 

With our knowledge of the history of the first half of 
the seventeenth century, it is difficult to understand how 
the Nonconformists could have so thoroughly miscon- 
ceived the character of James Stuart. In extenuation of 
their mistakes, it should be remembered that he had done 
everything possible to surround his religious leanings with 
an impenetrable cloud of doubt. The result of these 
tactics was that each of the three religious groups 
in England looked upon him somewhat in the light of a 
coming champion, although the bishops seem to have been 
less certain than either the Roman Catholics or the Non- 
conformists. The Roman Catholics, on their part, clung 
to the fact that he was the son of the murdered Mary of 
Scotland and had listened to the advances of emissaries 
of their faith and had made some general statements to 

tained in sections 11, 111, and zxlU. Standards of brass, candlesticks, 

There are over fifty sections in all. etc 14 

* Edward VI had previously enjoined A copper cross .... 2 

the destruction of ft shrines and coyer- A platter 18 

ings of shrines; tables, candlesticks; A holywater pot of lead and cer- 

trindles of wax; pictures, paintings, and tain organ pipes of lead . 2 10 

all other monuments of feigned miracles, For the "sayle and old clothes 

pilgrimage, idolatry and superstition." to cover say nts" .34 

He had been taken at his word, as, for Tlie table that stood on the high 

instance, at St Michael's, in Bedwardine altar 12 

in Worcester (Church- Warden* 8 Ac- etc. 

counts, 20), the churchwardens paid John See also Swayne's St. Edmund and 

Davis for hewing down the seats of the St. Thomas, Sarum (Wilt's Record Soci- 

images in the Church and whitewashing ety), and Thomas North's Chronicles of 

the walls. In 1648 the churchwardens the Church of St. Martin in Leicester. 

of the same parish sold off most of the If other parishes were as zealous as 

church effects as follows : — these, there could have been " few monu- 

s d ments of superstition " for Elizabeth's 

Ares covering which was used to subjects to destroy or sell, let alone 

the sepulter sold to Mr. Bland . 6 4 Cromwell and his Ironsides. 
Lamp and censer .... 4 

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the effect that loyal Roman Catholics would not be perse- 
cuted. His words meant absolutely nothing; but in their 
cruel plight and their ignorance of James's character, the 
English Roman Catholics may well be excused for believ- 
ing that the new king meant what he seemed to say. 
The English Nonconformists, on their part, had not the 
slightest doubt of James's favorable disposition. Had he 
not been instructed by George Buchanan and John Knox ? 
Only twelve years, indeed, had passed away since James 
had declared the Presbyterian Kirk of Scotland to be " the 
purest in the world"; and, on the other hand, had 
described the Service of the Established Church of Eng- 
land as "an evil said mass in English." Between 1590 
and 1603 a man of James's temperament might honestly 
have changed his mind, and it is certain that, as the end 
of Elizabeth's reign drew near, the advantages of the 
Established Church as the supporter of monarchy became 
more evident to him. He, therefore, caused Whitgift, 
Archbishop of Canterbury, to be informed that on his ac- 
cession the existing arrangements would be maintained. 
The old archbishop, however, indulged in no overcon- 
fidence and waited with some anxiety to see how far 
James would forget his Presbyterian training, — and he 
had not long to wait. 

At first it seemed as if James would yield enough to 
satisfy the desires of the great mass of the Nonconform- 
ists ; but to every suggestion of reform Whitgift opposed 
obstacles, and some of his objections were undoubtedly 
based on sound business considerations. James then hit 
upon the expedient of bringing the bishops and leading Non- 
conformists together. This meeting, which took place at 
Hampton Court, is generally spoken of as the Hampton 
Court Conference ; but in reality it was a series of meet- 

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ings at which James conferred at first with one set of 
people, then with another, and finally with both. There 
were both closed sessions and open meetings. At the 
latter were present church dignitaries and well-known 
Nonconformist scholars and controversialists. Our knowl- 
edge of what took place is scanty. 1 Such as it is it gives 
the impression that the reformers were borne down by 
the ill-natured gibes of James and the indecent interrup- 
tions and browbeatings of Richard Bancroft, Bishop of 
London, who soon succeeded Whitgift as Primate. To- 
ward the close of the proceedings Dr. Reynolds, one of the 
most eminent Nonconformist scholars of his time, hap- 
pened to refer to presbyters. This word reminded James 
of his Scottish experiences, when Knox had "lessoned" 
him upon the whole duty of a king. Turning to the 
Nonconformists he charged them with aiming at Presby- 
terianism, and declared that that form of Church govern- 
ment agreed "as well with monarchy as God and the 
Devil." " If this be all they have to say," he added, as he 
went forth, " I shall make them conform themselves, or I 
will harry them out of the land, or else do worse." Here 
was a king after the hierarchical heart. Whitgift was 
heard to mutter something about the voice of God in man, 
and Bancroft thanked Almighty God for "his singular 
mercy in giving us such a king as since Christ's time the 
like, he thought, had not been seen," — a phrase which car- 
ries one forward a century to Dr. Sacheverell's likening the 
execution of Charles I to the crucifixion of Christ, of which, 
he said, it was an "exact transcript and representation." 

1 See Gardiner's History of England, What appears to be the Nonconformist 
i, 152 and fol. ; he gives the bibliography brief is given in a condensed form in 
of the subject on p. 156. Barlow's Summe Royal Historical Manuscripts Commis- 
and Substance of the Conference, written sion's Report on the Beaulieu Manu- 
al* the Bishop's side, is almost the only scripts, 32-40. 
original source of information in print. 

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In the democratic latitudinarianism of the present day 
language like that which has just been quoted seems in- 
comprehensible ; but it should be remembered that Ban- 
croft was fighting for what was dearest to him, and also 
that those were the days of Shakespeare, when speakers 
and writers were not bound down by the forms of college- 
taught rhetoric. Furthermore, it must not be supposed 
for one instant that the Nonconformists were behind the 
bishops in their power of utterance. What Reynolds and 
Knewstubs and their two companions said at Hampton 
Court we do not know, but we have Cartwright's descrip- 
tion of the Establishment in the "Admonition to Parlia- 
ment," which he and other Nonconformists drew up in 
1571, and there is no reason to suppose that the power of 
description had diminished among them since that date. 
The hierarchy is described in this paper as " antichristian 
and devilish," while the service book is declared to be 
" an imperfect book, culled and picked out of that popish 
dunghill, the portuise and mass-book full of all abomina- 
tions." The ecclesiastical courts naturally came in for 
objurgation ; the archbishop's court they described as 
« the filthy quake-mire and poisoned plash of all the 
abominations . . . and the commissary's court, that is 
but a petty little stinking ditch that floweth out of that 
former great puddle, robbing Christ's church of lawful 
pastors, of watchful seniors and elders, and careful dea- 
cons." Persons using language of this kind had little 
right to complain of words like those uttered by Ban- 
croft, — nor is there evidence that they made any com- 
plaints on that score. 

Whitgift, as we have seen, felt reassured by the king's 
language, but he was too well acquainted with the strength 
of the Nonconformists to feel that the battle was won. 

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He dreaded the opening of Parliament, as well he might, 
for two thirds of the members of the House of Commons 
were Nonconformists, or were very closely allied with 
them. March 19, 1604, James met his first Parliament at 
Westminster. Instead of avoiding controversial topics, he 
plunged into them headlong. On coming into the kingdom, 
he had found three religions, — so he said. The first was 
the public form by law maintained. The second was 
" falsely called Catholic, but truly Papish " ; for the laity 
of this religion there was some excuse, 1 but for the priests 
who maintained that the Pope had an imperial civil power 
over all kings and emperors, they could expect no mercy. 
The third religion comprised the Puritans or Novelists 
who lurked " within the bowels of this nation." These 
did not differ from the Established Church in doctrine, 
but in their "confused form of polity and parity; being 
ever discontented with the present government and im- 
patient to suffer any superiority, which maketh that sect 
unable to be suffered in any well governed common- 
wealth." In some sort as an answer to this diatribe the 
Nonconformist majority at once took up the subject of 
reforms in Church and State. The chairman or reporter 
of the committee on religion was Sir Edwin Sandys. On 
his report a bill was passed and sent up to the Lords. 
There it was strenuously opposed by the bishops, and a 
conference between the two Houses was held. As the 
bill was finally lost, owing to a disagreement between the 
two branches of Parliament, it is impossible to say what 
the propositions of the Commons were, but the Articles of 

1 James's attitude is discernible in bat to hare him proceed with moderation 

a note of October 24, 1608, in which the and only against obstinate persons. — 

Council advises the Bishop of Chester Calendars of State Papers, Domestic, 

that the king's wish is not to stop alto- 1603-1610, 463. 
gether his proceedings against recusants, 

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Debate in the conference between the Houses have been 
preserved and give us an idea of the propositions which 
Sandys brought forward. These are in brief: (1) that 
ministers should be obliged to subscribe to the articles 
only concerning the doctrine of faith and the sacrament, 
that no contrary doctrine be taught, and that masters of 
households be also compelled to subscribe ; (2) that none 
be admitted to the ministry except Bachelors of Art or of 
a higher degree in schools and having testimony of ability 
to preach and of good life, or else such as are approved by 
the testimonial of six preachers of the county ; (3) that no 
more pluralities be permitted ; (4) that better maintenance 
be provided for the holders of smaller livings ; and (5) that 
faithful ministers be not "deprived, suspended, silenced, 
or imprisoned for not using the cross in baptism or the 
surplice." These proposals of Sandys seem to a student, 
who is far removed in time and space from the England 
of James, to be not unreasonable, but the bishops would 
have none of them. In reviewing this subject Samuel 
Rawson Gardiner, the historian of England in the seven- 
teenth century, 1 says: "Little as they thought what the 
consequences of their acts would be, Elizabeth and Whit- 
gift, James and Bancroft, by making a schism inevitable, 
were the true fathers of Protestant dissent." He goes on 
to declare that perhaps "a schism was sooner or later 
unavoidable, but, if the Commons had been allowed to 
carry out their views, it might have been deferred." It is 
not for us to regret tKteir action, for their refusal of needed 
reforms led directly to the settlement of New England. 

Soon after the close of the Hampton Court Conference, 
Bancroft became Archbishop of Canterbury. Acting in 
harmony with James, he set to work to compel conformity. 

i HUtory of England, i, 178, 179. 

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1604] THE CANONS OF 1604 281 

With the meeting of Parliament, -Convocation also came 
together. Its principal work was the elaboration of a 
set of regulations which are known as the Canons of 
1604. Most of these were in the nature of a codification 
of existing ecclesiastical laws ; but a series of new enact- 
ments sought to deal with Nonconformity and Separatism. 
Their nature can easily be gathered from one or two 
extracts : — 

"IV. Whosoever shall hereafter affirm that the form of God's 
worship in the Church of England, established by law and con- 
tained in the book of Common Prayer . . . containeth anything in 
it that is repugnant to the scriptures, let him be excommunicated 
ipso facto. . . . 

"IX. Whosoever shall hereafter separate themselves from the 
communion of saints, as it is approved by the Apostles' rules, in 
the Church of England and combine themselves together in a new 
brotherhood ... let them be excommunicated." l 

These canons were never confirmed by Parliament, and 
were therefore not enforced by the civil courts. The pun- 
ishment of excommunication as applied to laymen under 
the Canons of 1604, for this reason, operated usually in a 
modified way and did not, as a rule, cut off the excom- 
municated person from the protection of the law. 2 For 
the Nonconforming clergyman, however, they meant depri- 
vation for himself and starvation for his family ; for the 
Separatist, they meant little or nothing. Once in a while, 
however, a layman fell within the clutches of the Church 
authorities. For example, a certain John Turner was 
excommunicated in 1625 for not attending the service of 

1 Prothero's Statutes, 444, from Card- The civil disabilities of excommunicated 

well's Synodalia, i, 248. Also printed persons were removed in 1813 by 53 

in Latin in ibid., 164. George III, c. 127, $ 3, save only six 

* On this subject, see Stephen's Com- months' imprisonment. 
mentaries on the Criminal Law, iv, 17. 

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the Established Church. The miller refused to grind his 
corn, and probably other men also declined to serve him. 
At all events the High Commission claimed Turner, 1 and 
having him in custody refused him bail and placed him 
in irons. For fifteen years he remained a prisoner in the 
Gate House for no other apparent reason than because he 
refused to take the ex officio oath. In common with other 
victims of the High Commission, he was compensated as 
well as he might be by the Long Parliament. Another 
sufferer was Thomas Brewer, 2 Brewster's co-worker. He 
was imprisoned for fourteen years (1626-40) for saying 
that the bishop's office was not properly derived. At 
least this was the reason stated ; but his proneness to 
printing was, possibly, the real motive. 

To return to 1604 ; all things being thus arranged, James 
by proclamation 8 admonished all persons to conform them- 
selves to the Established Church before the first day of 
the ensuing November ; " God requireth at our hands," he 
said, "that what untractable men do not perform upon 
admonition, they must be compelled unto by authority." 
In the following December Bancroft directed the bishops 
to deprive of their livings all of the clergy who had not 
conformed. About three hundred Nonconformist ministers 
were at once driven from their cures. 4 They were given 
two months to settle their affairs, and then they and their 
families were to leave their homes and shift for themselves 
as well as they could. Their future lot can hardly be said 
to have been uncertain, for whether the Canons of 1604 
were binding on the courts of law or not, the Act of 

1 Royal Historical Manuscripts Com- * Cardwell's Docttmentary Annals, 

mission's Reports, iv, 35. See also the ii, 63; Protbero's Statutes, 420. 
case of Nathaniel Bernard in Gardiner's * Gardiner's History of England, I, 

History of England, vii, 250. 197. 

* Arber's Pilgrim Fat/iers, 247. 

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Parliament of 1693 dealt with both clergymen and lay- 
men who placed themselves outside the pale of the Church. 

The title of the celebrated law of 1593 is " An Act to 
retain the Queen's subjects in obedience." It was in force 
in 1605, and was continued by successive statutes, at least 
until 1628. 1 Among its provisions, these may well be 
noted: any person who obstinately refuses to attend 
the services of the Established Church and (1) by print- 
ing, writing, express words, or speeches, should persuade 
other persons to abstain from attending those services, 
or (2) should be present at any other religious services — 
should be committed to prison without bail until he 
conformed. If, however, three months' imprisonment did 
not bring about conformity, the recalcitrant should ab- 
jure the realm and all other her Majesty's dominions, for- 
ever under pain of death as a felon in case of return 
without permission.* Abjuration of the realm in the 
cases of these persons entailed the forfeiture of goods 
and chattels forever and of lands during life. The law 
also provided a fine of ten pounds sterling per month for 
all persons who fed or sheltered those who obstinately 
refused to attend the parish church. 

In ten years of James's reign, as has already been noted, 
eleven hundred persons were indicted in Middlesex Ses- 
sions for not attending church; probably most of them 
were Roman Catholics, but some of them were Separa- 
tists. 8 In 1611, for instance, three men, who are described 
as Brownists, 4 were convicted of attending unlawful re- 
ligious assemblies, and having remained " in prison for the 

I The last act continuing, it passed in gnished from c ii y>t the same statute, 

1697 and provided that it should remain which relates to the Roman Catholics, 
in force until the end of the next session * Prothero's StatuteSj 89. 

of Parliament. The original law is given * Middlesex County Records, 11, 292- 

in the Statutes of the Realm as 35 Elixa- 306. 
beth, c i. It should be carefully distin- * Middlesex County Records, ii, 71 ; 

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space of three months after conviction and not conforming 
themselves" were banished out of the realm and were 
ordered to take shipping from London for Amsterdam 
in the Netherlands before the end of one month after the 
next Easter Day. 

Another instance of the working of James's and Ban- 
croft's resolutions has been preserved for three hundred 
years. Among the Nonconformist clergymen who re- 
fused to obey the orders of king and bishop were Richard 
Clifton of Babworth and John Robinson of Norwich. 
For a time they found shelter in the manor house at 
Scrooby, where resided William Brewster, who "held 
the post" at that place. There they ministered to a 
little band of religious enthusiasts, the best known of 
whom was William Bradford, then a lad of from sixteen 
to eighteen years of age. The members of this group 
began to feel insecure in their homes, and before long they 
were hunted and persecuted on every side. Some of 
them were imprisoned, others had their houses beset 
night and day and hardly escaped seizure, so that most of 
them resolved to leave their homes and means of liveli- 
hood and go to the Low Countries. This had to be done 
in a secret manner to avoid the loss of goods consequent 
on a conviction under the act of 1593. 1 How many good 
men and women were indicted and cast into prison and 
banished from the realm under threat of death as felons 
in case of return, how many more were worried by a 
sense of constant insecurity into exiling themselves, is 

The way in which Roman Catholic recu- dars of State Papers, Domestic, 160&- 

sants and Protestant Separatists were 1610, p. 601. 

associated in the minds of those in an- 1 The act of Richard II prohibiting 

thority may be seen in a letter from the migration from the realm was repealed 

Bishop of Hereford to Lord Salisbury re- in 1606-07 (4 James I, c. 1, $ iv). See 

counting the apprehension of Roger Cad- Coke's Third Institute, ch. 84, and 

wallader, a dangerous seminary priest, Richard Thomson's Essay on Magna 

and Thomas Bailies, a Brownist, Calen- Charta, 234. See also Note II. 

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1604] JOHN ROBINSON 285 

not known, and probably never will be. There must have 
been many besides those whose experiences have been 
cited because in that historic- band at Leyden were men 
and women not only from Scrooby, Austerfield, and Baw- 
try, but also from Canterbury and Sandwich in the south- 
eastern corner of the island, from Chester, on the borders 
of Wales, from York in the northern region and Newbury 
in the southern-central part, and also from Norwich and 
Wrentham in the eastern counties. Brewster and Brad- 
ford and their companions who had gone to Leyden from 
all parts of England, made the first permanent settlement 
in New England at Plymouth. 

In the exciting political struggles of James's Parlia- 
ments, the Nonconformist laymen found ample field for 
their exuberant energies. With the death of James, in 
1625, a new page opens in English history. The old 
leaders of the generation of Sir Edwin Sandys give place 
to new men, to John Pym and Sir John Eliot. The 
leaders of the Nonconformists and the other opponents 
of the Stuart policy in the House of Commons now deter- 
mined to put pressure upon the new king by refusing to 
open the purse except on their own terms. This they 
thought they would be able to do with more effect be- 
cause James had left behind him debts amounting to 
seven hundred thousand pounds sterling. For genera- 
tions, at the beginning of each monarch's reign, it had 
been customary to grant him for life the subsidy of ton- 
nage and poundage, which may be roughly described as 
equivalent to the customs revenue. When this had once 
been granted, the monarch was able to raise or lower 
the rates at will, and in this way to increase or diminish 
the amount of money collected under the grant. For 
example, James had changed the rates, and the judges 

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had decided that he had acted within his rights. 1 The 
Commons now voted to grant to Charles the subsidy of 
tonnage and poundage for . one year only, on the plea 
that within the twelve months an inquiry could be made 
into the financial needs and organization of the govern- 
ment, and the necessary reforms embodied in a later grant. 
It fell out otherwise, however, for the Lords voted against 
the grant of tonnage and poundage for one year, and 
Charles continued to collect it without authority from 
Parliament, and, as a matter of fact, kept on collecting 
it until the final catastrophe placed the ports of the king- 
dom and the collection of the customs in the hands of the 
Long Parliament. 

The conflict which started in this way seems at first 
sight to be about constitutional matters; but politics 
and religion were so inextricably commingled in that 
age that religion really had the greater share in bringing 
it about, since the only way to secure ecclesiastical reforms 
was to act through the king's need of money. With a 
half filled exchequer and this conflict impending in Eng- 
land, Charles undertook to wage war directly or indirectly 
with the greater part of Europe. One expedient after 
another was tried to fill the treasury. Of these the most 
interesting was the Forced Loan of 1626. In theory, 
there was no simpler way for the king to obtain money 
than to raise it by a forced loan. The Council made 
out a list of rich men and marked against the name of 
each an amount of money which he could easily pay, if 
he wished so to do. Each demand was made in a docu- 
ment, which was authenticated by the privy seal ; and was 
hence known as a "privy seal." Packages of these 

i In the well-known Bate's case, see Gardiner's HUtory of England, and 
Protbero's Statute* 

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1626] THE FORCED LOAN 287 

"privy seals" were sent to leading men in the several 
counties who were supposed to be favorable to the king's 
cause; 1 these visited the persons named and demanded 
the required sum. One way to avoid payment was to 
outrun the collector and gain the other side of the border 
of the county, — this was the way in which Sir Edwin 
Sandys played his part. Others refused point-blank to 
pay a penny in an un-Parliamentary way and loudly 
asserted the unconstitutionality of the demand. 

Among the more strenuous objectors to the forced loan 
was Theophilus Fynes-Clinton, Earl of Lincoln, who not 
only refused to pay, but procured the compilation and 
printing of an " Abridgment of the Laws of England " 
relating to the subject of taxation. He was summoned 
to London and shut up in the Tower for two years, 
until the meeting of Parliament necessitated his release. 
Associated with him in his resistance were his brothers- 
in-law, Lord Saye and Sele, and Isaac Johnson, and 
a former steward of his estate, Thomas Dudley. Proba- 
bly the best known of those who refused to contribute to 
the loan were Sir Edmund Hampden, uncle of John Hamp- 
den, and his four companions. Upon being locked up, they 
applied for writs of habeas corpus ; their case is known as 
the Five Knights case. The judges refused their applica- 
tion, and the Five Knights returned to prison, where Sir 
Edmund Hampden died. This was in 1627. 

While Charles was thus rousing against himself the 
forces of English constitutional conservatism, he was also 
straining to the breaking point the loyalty and affection 
of the Nonconformists. In civil matters he acted on the 
advice of George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham ; in reli- 

1 There Is some interesting matter on this subject in Hamilton's Quarter Ses- 
sions from Elizabeth to Anne, 20-23. 

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gious affairs he followed the counsel of William Laud, 
who in 1628 became Bishop of London and in 1633 
Archbishop of Canterbury. Like Charles and like Buck- 
ingham, William Laud was a sincere man; his career, 
however, gives us a striking example of the ill effects 
which are sometimes produced by intrusting the manage- 
ment of affairs to a " scholar in politics." In religion he 
was one of those devout and earnest men for whom uni- 
formity, ceremonialism, and old-time doctrine have always 
had great charm. For half a century, at least, the doc- 
trine of the Established Church had been Calvinistic, as 
any one may see by reading the Lambeth Articles 1 which 
Whitgift formulated. Laud, on the other hand, preferred 
dogmas similar to those which in Holland were associated 
with the name of Arminius, and he wished to restore what 
had been destroyed in accordance with the Injunctions of 
Edward and Elizabeth. 

One thing must be granted to Laud and his royal 
master : if the Nonconformist movement was to be stayed, 
it was high time to set about it. All over England Church 
preferments were falling into Nonconformists' hands. In 
Boston, for example, the corporation had purchased the 
right of presentation to one of the churches of the town, 
and had acquired the vicarage and probably the impro- 
priated tithes ; in other words, this Nonconformist munic- 
ipal corporation had secured the right to nominate one of 
the parsons of the town and to support him out of the 
funds of the Established Church. 9 In other places, where 

1 Strype's Whitgift, ii, 280; brief ex- Nathaniel Ward, at one time minister at 

tracts are in Prothero's Statutes, 226. Ipswich, Massachusetts, was " elected 

9 Professor H. D. Foster of Dartmouth public preacher for this town /'his salary 

called my attention to extracts from the to be paid by the treasurer " without 

Boston Assembly Book, bearing on these warrant from the bailiffs." Other entries 

matters. See also Bacon's Ipswich and will be found in the "Borough of Lefces- 

the •' Great Court Records "of that town. ter Accounts." 
In 1603 or 1604 Samuel Ward, brother of 

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the laymen did not possess as complete power as this, 
they sometimes appointed a virtuous and learned preacher 
" to teach the word of God and to visit and counsel 
the sick as need shall serve." This action was in direct 
contravention of James's proclamation of 1622 x for- 
bidding clergymen under the degree of bishop or dean 
" to preach in any popular auditory upon the deep points 
of predestination, election, reprobation, and of the uni- 
versality, efficacy, resistibility, or irresistibility of God's 
grace." By 1625, the Nonconformists had acquired such 
large funds that an association was formed — compris- 
ing four citizens of London, four lawyers, and four Non- 
conformist clergymen — to buy up impropriated tithes, 
to employ preachers and lecturers, and to provide addi- 
tional compensation for Nonconformist ministers and 

It came about in this way that in some places the 
Established reader of the service book and the Noncon- 
formist preacher of God's word successively occupied the 
parish church on Sundays, and there was likely to be a 
good deal to dishearten the regular clergyman and to 
annoy the Nonconformist congregation. Often the greater 
part of the parishioners would remain outside until the 
prescribed service was over, and would then come trooping 
in to gather righteousness from the lips of their chosen 
sermonizer. On the one hand, the regular clergyman 
might well object to reading the service to empty benches 
and paid choir boys, while, on the other hand, the Noncon- 
formists were strongly of the opinion that those who 
preached to the parishioners should be paid out of the 
funds devoted to religious purposes. 

Charles and Laud determined to put an end to the reli- 

1 Royal Historical Manuscripts Commission's Reports, v, 410. 
vol. i. — u 

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gious confusion which has just been described. 1 In Decem- 
ber, 1629, the king issued to the bishops certain instructions 
which had been formulated by Laud. In the future, it was 
ordained that there should be no afternoon sermons at all 
and no lecturer or preacher should open his mouth in the 
morning, unless he had first "read divine service accord- 
ing to the Liturgy printed by authority, in his surplice." 
Furthermore, no lecturer should be employed unless he 
was willing to accept a regular appointment. The bishops 
were ordered to look carefully into the doings of all the 
lecturers and preachers in their dioceses and to "take 
order for any abuse accordingly." Furthermore, the king 
commanded that no controversial topics should be dis- 
cussed in any sermon. At about this time, Laud became 
head of the High Commission, and before long he had 
silenced John Cotton, the minister at Boston, and had 
fined for nonconformity his leading supporters, Richard 
Bellingham * and William Coddington. 

When Parliament met, in 1628, the Earl of Lincoln and 
Lord Saye and Sele were in their places in the House of 
Peers and Hampden's companions had been released. The 
sting' of their imprisonment remained, however, not only in 
their own minds, but in the minds of thousands of English- 
men as well ; the Commons at once voted to consider griev- 
ances before the grant of money. From this proceeded in 
no long time the Petition of Right, which is one of the 
corner stones of the English constitution. Soon afterward 

* Samuel Ward's answers to the qnes- ligion stands on the tiptoe in this land 

tions of the High Commission give a looking westward." Calendars of State 

moderate Nonconformist's view of the re- Papers, Domestic, Charles I, vol. ix 

ligious situation in 1635-36. Looking to (1635-36), Introduction, 

the future, be was optimistic, saying that * There is a good article on Belling- 

" he was not of so melancholy a spirit, nor ham by B. H. Goss in Magazine of 

looked through so black spectacles as he American History, xiii, 262. 
[George Herbert] that wrote that re- 

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Parliament was dissolved, having voted a small sum of 
money, and Charles and Laud seized what seemed to them 
to be a favorable opportunity to issue a Declaration on 
Religion. In this document, which is still prefixed to the 
English Service Book, the king declared that the Thirty- 
nine Articles contained the true doctrine agreeable to God's 
word and that in the future no man should either print or 
preach to draw the Articles aside in any way, but should 
take them in their literal and grammatical sense. The 
Nonconformists gave their answer in the next session of 
Parliament. After six weeks, filled with contention, dur- 
ing which the king sought to tire out his opponents by a 
series of short adjournments, the crisis came. On March 2, 
1629, when the Speaker rose to adjourn the House for 
eight days, Denzil Holies and Benjamin Valentine seized 
him by the arms, thrust him back into his seat, and stood 
in front of him. Then Sir John Eliot drew from his 
pocket a short declaration of the position of the major- 
ity, but the Speaker refused to allow it to be read. 
Thereupon, the door was locked, and a stout member, 
Sir Miles Hobart, put the key in his pocket. The king, 
learning of what was going forward, summoned his guard 
to force the door of the House. It was under these cir- 
cumstances that Holies, with one hand on the Speaker, 
repeated the declaration, put it to the House, and declared 
it carried. The members then passed out, and for eleven 
years no Parliament met in England. 

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I. Bibliography. — There is no good account of the rise of seven- 
teenth-century Puritanism. The movement was largely social in its 
character ; but hitherto all treatment of it has been mainly religious 
with more or less of politics thrown in. Gardiner's History of Eng- 
land is by long odds the best thing that has yet been done ; but he 
so studiously avoids social and economic factors that some of his 
readers find it difficult to discover why there should have been any 
Puritan movement at all. The older accounts are almost entirely 
religious and regard seventeenth-century nonconformity as the child 
of Elizabethan separation — which is plainly impossible. See, how- 
ever, Samuel Hopkins's The Puritans: or The Clmrch, Court, and 
Parliament of England during the reigns of Edward VI and Elizabeth 
(3 vols.) which does not touch seventeenth-century nonconformity 
and independency at all. Palfrey's New England (vol. i, ch. vii.) 
contains what is perhaps the best account; but it is now necessarily 
somewhat obsolete. Other works on the theme are Dexter' s Congre- 
gationalism as seen in its Literature; Marsden's Puritans; Neal's Puri- 
tans; Brown's Congregationalism in Norfolk and Suffolk and his Pil- 
grims in Old and New England; Ellis's Puritan Age and Rule; 
Strype's Annals, Life ofWhUgift, Life of Parker; Puller's Worthies; 
and IVEwes's Journal. 

IL Migration from the Realm. — Statutes of the Realm, ii, 18. 
5 Ric. II, Stat, i, c. 2 (1381). " And the King our Lord, of his Royal 
Majesty, defendeth the Passage utterly of all Manner of People, as 
well Clerks as other, in every Port and other Town and Place upon 
the Coast of the Sea, upon Pain of Forfeiture of all their Goods ; 
except only the Lords and other Great Men of the Realm, and true 
and notable Merchants, and the King's Soldiers ; and every Person, 
other than is before excepted, which after Publication of this Ordi- 
nance made, shall pass out of the said Realm without the King's 
special license, . . . shall forfeit to the King as much as he hath in 

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Richard Clifton and John Robinson * were the central 
figures of a small group of religious enthusiasts whose for- 
tunes must be traced with some degree of care. In the 
early years of James's reign, the former of these was 
rector of. Babworth and was a Nonconformist. His ser- 
mons drew to him hearers from the neighboring villages 
of Scrooby and Austerfield, and when he was driven from 
his living he found refuge at the first of these hamlets, 
where he was soon joined by John Robinson, who had 
been driven likewise from his cure at Norwich. The two 
ministered to such as were willing to brave the penalties 
of the law in the house of William Brewster, who kept 
the post at that village. 9 

William Brewster, in early life, had attended the Uni- 
versity of Cambridge. He had also served in the house 
of William Davidson, one of Elizabeth's principal advisers, 
a part of the time in company with George Cranmer, the 
intimate companion of Sir Edwin Sandys. Brewster's 
father had kept the post at Scrooby, 8 and thither the 

* O. S. Davis's John Robinson, the * In 1603 James had suggested to the 

Pilgrim Pastor, has some information then Archbishop of York that he would 

not elsewhere conveniently accessible. like to acquire for the crown the manor 

2 As to Scrooby and Austerfield, see of Scrooby, as it would be a convenient 

Henry M. Dexter's "Footprints of the stopping place on the journeys to and 

Pilgrims" in Sabbath at Home and in from Sherwood Forest and Scotland ; but 

Massachusetts Historical Society's Pro- nothing came of the project. See CaU 

ceedings for 1871, 128, and Morton Dex- endars of State Papers, Domestic, 1609- 

ter's Story of the Pilgrims. 1610, 33. 


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younger William repaired on his father's death, or shortly 
before. Scrooby was on the great northern road which 
was then the main line of travel between London and 
Edinburgh. As master of the post, it was Brewster's duty 
to provide horses and other essentials for the posting ser- 
vice. He also furnished refreshment and lodging to those 
belated travelers who could not push on to a larger town. 1 
He lived in a house belonging to the Province of York, 
which Archbishop Sandys had granted on a lease of 
twenty-one years to his eldest son, Samuel Sandys. The 
relation of landlord and tenant, or, perhaps, of owner and 
bailiff, which existed between Sir Edwin Sandys's brother 
and the future Pilgrim elder proved to be of great service 
to the emigrants when the removal to America came to be 
agitated. At Leyden, Brewster pursued the trade of a 
printer. When he died at Plymouth in 1644, he left be- 
hind him a substantial collection of books. They num- 
bered nearly four hundred titles, of which one quarter 
were printed after the sailing of the Mayflower — a fact 
which is interesting as showing us that at least one Pil- 

1 In 1006 Sir Timothy Hntton journeyed southward from York and made the 
following payments : — 

£ s. <f. 

" Item, to the post of Scrobie (for 11 myle, and the gyde 6d 10 

Item, to hym that kept the post horses, and for driaing of bootes ..006 

Item, for a cawdall and supper, and breakfast 7 10 

Item, ffor fyre 7 

Item, to the chamberlain and the maid that burnt the boothowse ..006 
Item, to the powre 6" 

On his return journey Sir Timothy made a shorter stop at Scrooby as his pay- 
ments were only : — 

£ s. d. 

" The post of Scrobie for 7 myle, and for hymselfe 8 

For burnt sack, bread, bear, and suger to wyne that was gyren ... 2 
The ostler 3d. ; the powr 6d 9" 

Hunter, in his Founders of New Plymouth, 68, 69, first called attention to 
these entries in The Correspondence of Dr, Matthew Hutton (Surtees Society, 1843), 
198, 203. See Massachusetts Historical Society's Proceedings, 1871, 100 note. For 
the general duties of " the post," see Joyce's History of the Post Office, and the docu- 
I printed in Arber's Pilgrim Fathers (p. 73) from the British Museum. 

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grim had funds wherewith to purchase something beyond 
the bare necessaries of life. Of Brewster's books, sixty- 
two were in Latin and ninety-two were devoted to secular 
subjects. Among them one notices a translation of Jean 
Bodin's Six Bookea of a Commonweal, Sir Thomas Smith's 
Commonwealth of England, Machiavelli's Prmce, in Latin, 
and Ralegh's Prerogative of Parliaments. 1 William Brew- 
ster, therefore, was not only able to buy books, but clearly 
must have been able to have read good books with appreci- 

The most remarkable man who listened to Clifton and 
Robinson in Brewster's house at Scrooby was William 
Bradford, the son of a yeoman farmer of Austerfield. As a 
boy, Bradford showed precociousness ; at the age of twelve 
he could read his Bible, which only about forty English- 
men in a hundred could then do at any time in their 
lives. Before his death he had familiarized himself with 
Hebrew, with Greek and Latin, with French and Dutch, 
without affecting an English style singularly pure, strong, 
and attractive. Besides being a scholar, Bradford was a 
born leader of men ; he had great common sense and an 
extraordinary capacity for bringing difficult business trans- 
actions to prosperous endings. The key to his success lay 
in the fact that in his own character he realized the sense 
of his declaration that "all great undertakings must be 
both enterprised and overcome by answerable courages." 

Fleeing from England, the fugitives from Scrooby and 
Austerfield first found shelter at Amsterdam. That city 
swarmed with religious refugees of all sorts and conditions 
of men and women. These filled their time with conten- 

1 See Henry M. Dexter's "Elder ing$ t Second Series, v, 87; and see also 
Brewster's Library," in the Massa- ibid., iii, 280. 
cbusetts Historical Society's Proceed- 

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tion, even to disputes as to whether or not the parson's 
wife should wear whalebone in her bodice. It was no 
place for clear-headed men like Robinson, Brewster, and 
Bradford. So they removed to Leyden, where there 
already was a church of Scottish Presbyterians. Robin- 
son's reputation soon attracted to him many of the best 
of the religious exiles from England. The Leyden church 
became a strong congregation. 

As the second decade of the seventeenth century drew 
toward its close, the Leyden people began to feel a new 
unrest. The reasons for their uneasiness are set forth by 
Bradford and Edward Winslow. 1 First in place, but 
probably not in importance, was the heartrending diffi- 
culty of making a living at Leyden. Bred to a plain 
* country life and to the innocent trade of husbandry, the 
exiles were compelled to practice mechanic employments. 
They found it possible to keep body and soul together 
only by severe toil, and by compelling their children 
to labor until " the vigor of nature being consumed in the 
bud " their bodies bowed under the burdens and became 
decrepit in youth. The hardness of the place was so 
great that some of the exiles could not endure the life. 
These returned to England, where they lived in danger of 
conscience and some « preferred and chose the prisons in 
England rather than this liberty in Holland with these 

Moreover, the times were stormy in the Netherlands, 
for the people of that little country were divided into 
hostile factions by religious differences. A minority held 

1 The reasons for the removal from of New England," which is appended to 
Leyden are stated by Bradford in his his Hypocrisie Unmasked and is reprinted 
Plymouth Plantation, and by Winslow separately in Young's Chronicles of the 
in the " Briefe Narration of the True Pilgrims. Arber brings the original ma- 
Grounds or cause of the first Planting terial together in his Pilgrim Fathers. 

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to the belief of Arminius that all men could attain sal- 
vation through repentance. The majority held to the 
strict Calvinistic idea of predestination. This conflict led 
to the death of John of Barueveld, to the exile of Hugo 
Grotius, and to the holding of the Synod at Dort. This 
body pronounced the Arminians to be innovators and dis- 
turbers of religion in the Church and nation, teachers of 
faction, and workers of schism; as such they were de- 
prived of their offices in Church and university until they 
should repent. Their leaders were banished under pain 
of death in case of return. This outcome occurred after 
Brewster and Bradford and their comrades had made up 
their minds to a second removal ; but the constant dispu- 
tations and threatenings of internecine conflicts may well 
have alarmed the peace-loving Pilgrims, although they 
were in theological sympathy with the victorious party. 
The renewal of the war with Spain was also imminent 
as the Twelve Years' Truce would come to an end in 1621, 
and the opening scenes of the Thirty Years' War were 
already being enacted not so very far away. Already many 
of the children of the exiles had become soldiers and sailors. 
The young people were intermarrying with the Dutch, 
and, in this way, were fast losing their language and their 
English manners and modes of thought and action. All 
the time the parents stood helplessly by, for in their pov- 
erty they could not educate their children, even as imper- 
fectly as they themselves had been educated. In another 
land and in other circumstances their condition might be 
greatly bettered ; it could hardly be made worse. 1 

1 As early as 1693, or 1594, Separatists Majesty and their country good service, 

had contemplated a removal to the New and greatly annoy the bloody and per- 

World. See petition for leave to emi- seen ting Spaniards about the Bay of 

grate to the " Bay of Cany da," where the Mexico, Calendars of State Papers, Do- 

petitioners state they might worship God mestic, Elizabeth, Hi, 400; Acts of the 

according to their consciences, do Her Privy Council, xxvii, 5, xxviii, 163. 

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As they thought the matter over and talked about it 
among themselves, the missionary zeal which is always 
strong in the hearts of English people made them think 
that they might advance the kingdom of Christ by found- 
ing churches and a Christian state in the New World, and 
be as stepping-stones to others, and also might convert the 
natives to the true faith. Above all, however, their one 
great desire was to get back once more to English dominions, 
that they might die as they had been born — subjects of 
the English crown. To do this, they were willing to 
brave many dangers and hardships. 

The objections to the enterprise, indeed, seemed to be 
great ; new climate, new food, new beverages, new diseases 
which would infest their bodies with sore sicknesses. Fur- 
thermore, to their imagination, the savages appeared as 
cruel, barbarous men who delighted to torment their cap- 
tives and to eat broiled collops of their flesh before their 
victims' eyes. But to these objections it was answered 
that, while many of these misfortunes were likely, they 
were not certain. Some of them might never befall, 
others could be patiently borne and overcome. The sav- 
ages could not be more cruel than the Spaniards were 
certain to be if they reconquered the Dutch. For these 
reasons many of Robinson's congregation determined to 
make a second removal, this time to America. 

Having come to this conclusion, there followed long and 
intricate negotiations with the Dutch authorities, the Vir- 
ginia Company, certain London merchants, and the Eng- 
lish government. At the present day, after an enormous 
amount of study has been given to the problem, the course 
of these negotiations is still involved in uncertainty. One 
thing, however, seems to be clear, the dealings with the 
Dutch had no serious basis, since one of the reasons for 

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the emigration of the Pilgrims was to escape from the 
Dutch influence; under these circumstances it is improb- 
able that they would have crossed the Atlantic to settle 
in New Netherland. Their attention was directed toward 
Virginia — partly by the fact that Sir Edwin Sandys 1 was 
now supreme in the Virginia Company and was able to 
procure for them a grant of land at such a distance from 
Jamestown that they would be able « to live as a distinct 
body by themselves under the general government of 
Virginia." They tried to gain some guarantee of liberty 
in religion from the king and the Church authorities; 
but they could not obtain such a concession, although 
they offered to take the Oath of Supremacy. Never- 
theless, James was understood to say that he would not 
disturb them, if they lived peaceably. This verbal 
assurance seemed to some of them to be but a sandy 
foundation. The leaders, however, decided to go on ; 
they reasoned that, if there was no security in the king's 
spoken word, there would be little safety in a written 
confirmation of it, "for if afterwards there should be a 
purpose, or desire to wrong them, though they had a seal 
as broad as the house floor it would not serve the turn ; 
for there would be means enough found to recall or 
reverse it." Having come to this determination, the 
next thing to do was to procure the necessary funds, and 
this proved to be a difficult task. Finally, they entered 
into negotiations with Mr. Thomas Weston, who may 
possibly have been an emissary of the Council for New 

Since the disastrous ending of the attempted coloniza- 

1 There is no reason to question Brown's First Republic in America and 

Sandys's kindness toward the Pilgrims; William Elliot Griffls's The Pilgrims in 

but his intimacy with Brewster is largely their Three Homes. 
conjectural. See, however, Alexander 

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tion at Fort St. George at the mouth of the Kennebec 
River in 1608, little had been attempted toward English 
colonization in the North. English fishermen frequented 
the banks off Newfoundland and the coasts of New Eng- 
land, once in a while a fur trader visited the harbors and 
dealt with the natives of that region, and occasionally an 
exploring vessel sailed along the northern shores. The 
best known of these last expeditions was that of Captain 
John Smith, in 1614, when he explored the coasts of what 
are now the states of Maine, New Hampshire, and Massa- 
chusetts and assigned to many prominent points the names 
which they still bear. Sir Ferdinando Gorges had been 
the most persistent of the old partners under the charter 
of 1606. The outburst of colonizing fervor that marks the 
last years of James's reign stirred him to renewed activity. 
He obtained for himself and his associates a grant of 
North America between the fortieth and the forty-eighth 
degree of north latitude, under the name of New England 
(1620). The governing body of this corporation was 
known as the Council for New England. 1 Among the 
members who are enumerated in the charter are several 
whose names have already been mentioned in tracing the 
history of Virginia, the Earl of Southampton, the Earl of 
Warwick, Sir Dudley Digges, Sir Thomas Gates, Sir 
Nathaniel Rich, and Sir Thomas Wroth; among those 

* The history of this corporation has records. See also Commons Journals, 
been admirably summarized by Charles i, 884, 898, 904; and Royal Historical 
Deane In the third volume of Winsor's Manuscripts Commission's Reports, iii, 
America. The records, such of them as 21, iv, 123. The records of fifty-six meet- 
have been preserved, are in American ings are known, all of which were held 
Antiquarian Society's Proceedings for in London. Two persons only attended 
April, 1867, and October, 1875. Some ad- seven meetings ; there were three and no 
ditional information is in American His- more at fourteen ; the largest number 
torical Review, iv, 678. From the printed in attendance at any one meeting was 
records, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Sir eight. Gorges attended fifty-three of 
Samuel Argall seem to have been the the fifty-six, Argall twenty-seven, Mason 
most active members of the corporation ; eleven, Warwick ten, and Calvert one. 
but we have only a small fragment of the 

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who joined it later were Sir Samuel Argall and Sir George 

The charter gave to the grantees what amounted to a 
monopoly, so far as Englishmen were concerned, of the 
fisheries of New England. For this reason a great out- 
cry was raised by the Virginia Company and the subject 
was brought up in the House of Commons by Sir Edwin 
Sandys. 1 To the arguments which he and his friends 
advanced, Sir George Calvert, who was then Secretary of 
State, replied with the technical assertion that Virginia, 
New England, and Newfoundland were gotten by con- 
quest, were governed by prerogative alone, and were, there- 
fore, not subject to the legislation of Parliament. 9 In 
the end the matter was arranged between the two cor- 
porations ; but Gorges asserts that the conflict frightened 
away capital from the new scheme. 8 With this great 
enterprise in mind, it may well be that Sir Ferdinando 
looked with eager eyes on the proposed Pilgrim migration. 
It is possible that Weston was his agent and that between 
them Captain Jones of the Mayflower was induced to take 
the Pilgrims to the coast of New England instead of that 
of Virginia. It works out into a pretty plot ; but there 
is no evidence that Weston was unfaithful or that Jones 
was bribed. It is certain, however, that Gorges was 
well pleased to find the Pilgrims settled within the limits 
of New England. 

1 Debates of 1620-21, 11, 97. belonged to It, rebellion and revolution 

*It was extremely fortunate that resulted. 
James took this position and carried On the opposition side in the Com- 

his point, as the monarchy was too mons it was pointed out that Parliament 

weak to enforce what successive kings had legislated for Ireland before that 

regarded as their rights. This lack country had been annexed to the crown, 

of strength gave the colonies time to and cited an act of 11 Henry VII. Cf. 

grow and to develop their institutions Debates of 1620-21, i, 318-319. 
in a direction quite opposed to royal * See Massachusetts Historical So- 

desires. When Parliament began to ciety's Collections, Third Series, vi, 71, 

exercise power which constitutionally and Baxter's Gorges, ii, 44. 

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Every step in the migration from Leyden to America 
was full of trouble. The money was hard to get and, 
finally, could only be obtained on terms similar to those 
which had held for some years in the colonization of 
Virginia. The basis of the arrangement 1 was the cost 
of transporting one emigrant to America. This was 
assumed to be ten pounds, and the shares in the enterprise 
were given a par value of that amount. Each emigrant 
was rated as holding one share and each ten pounds put 
into the common stock was also rated as one share. For 
seven years the colonists were to be fed and clothed out 
of the common stock; for seven years the product of 
their labors should go to the common stock. At the end 
of that time there was to be a division of all the property 
of the association, each member, whether colonist or 
capitalist, receiving according to the number of his shares. 
Thus a colonist whose transportation was paid out of the 
common stock would be entitled to one share, but if he 
paid his own passage he would have two shares ; a mer- 
chant investing one hundred pounds would have ten shares 
at the division. A planter would be entitled to the same 
number of shares provided he went in person with his 
wife and three children above the age of sixteen and paid 
the cost of transportation and provided also that all of 
them lived to the end of seven years. In the event of 
their death at an earlier time, the amount of their share 
would be reckoned according to the length of time they 
lived and labored in the colony. 

To us this balancing of the life of William Bradford or 

1 The agreement is in Bradford's each take half of the common stock at 

Plymouth Plantation (Deane's ed.), 45. the division; hut they refused to do this 

The merchants tried to get the Pilgrims until 1623, when the concession seemed 

to sign a different agreement, to the effect to be the only way to avoid starvation, 
that planters and adventurers should 

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Mary Chilton or Priscilla Mullins against the investment 
of ten pounds by a London merchant seems preposterous 
and even scandalous. Yet it was under this arrange- 
ment, or something similar to it, that the founders of 
the United States entered upon their life in the New 
World. In Virginia, the share was rated at twelve 
pounds, ten shillings; the diminished rate of the Pil- 
grim enterprise probably represents the lower cost at 
which a colonist could be landed on American soil in 1620 
compared with 1609. It is certain that the supply of 
money seeking investment in colonial enterprises was not 
sufficient to pay the transportation across the Atlantic of 
all who wished to emigrate. As the world goes, therefore, 
the arrangement must be regarded as fair to both parties. 
The Leyden colonists had hoped for better terms and had 
understood that the capitalists would grant them. They 
had expected to have one day in the week for themselves 
and to retain their houses and home lots at the division. 
They were grievously disappointed when they found that 
this could not be; but they had gone too far to draw 

A small vessel of sixty tons was bought to convey 
those of the Leyden congregation who proposed to emigrate 
to Southampton, where the Mayflower, a ship of thrice 
her size, was fitting out for Virginia. It was expected 
that the smaller vessel would cross the Atlantic with as 
many passengers and as much freight as she could carry 
and would remain in American waters to serve for fishing 
and trading. She leaked so badly, however, that she had 
to be left behind. Alone, the Mayflower crossed the 
Atlantic in the autumn of 1620. How many of this first 
band of Pilgrims came from Leyden is uncertain. A large 
proportion of Robinson's congregation never came to 

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America ; those who did emigrate came at three separate 
times, the last being 1629. Only thirty-five of the May- 
flower's passengers have been identified as belonging to 
the Leyden Company, and of these less than a dozen 
came from Scrooby and Austerfield. 1 Among those who 
did not belong to the Scrooby congregation, but who 
joined the Robinson people at Leyden, was Edward Wins- 
low, a man of ability, then some twenty-five years of 
age. 9 Another recruit was Miles Standish, a professional 
soldier. Of those who came from England and had no 
part in the life in Holland was William Mullins 8 of 
Dorking, the father of Priscilla, and John Alden, who 
was hired as a cooper at Southampton. Others, whom it 
is difficult to identify with exactness, were servants who 
were sent out by the merchants to labor in their behalf. 
There were also two sailors who were engaged to remain 
in the colony for one year. 

The Mayflower finally set sail from Plymouth, England, 
on September 6, 1620. Since the 21st of the preced- 
ing July, those of her company who came from Leyden 
had been on shipboard. This long delay was owing in 
part to the misadventures of the smaller vessel ; but it also 
seems to have been due in some measure to the bad man- 
agement of the enterprise. It certainly was unfortunate 
that the departure was postponed to so late a period in 
the year. The voyage of the Mayflower across the North 

i See Morton Dexter in Massachusetts England as agent for Massachusetts. 

Historical Society's Proceedings for He left New England in 1660, never to 

April, 1903, 167. Earlier and less com- return, and died at sea while in the em- 

plete enumerations are H. C. Murphy's ploy of the Protectorate, 
articles In the Historical Magazine, iii, • At one time it was argued that he 

261, 330, 357, and George Sumner's Mem- was a Walloon and that his name was 

oirs of the Pilgrims at Leyden. Molines. Cf . H. M. Dexter in Massachu- 

* There is no adequate life of Edward setts Historical Society's Proceedings, 

Winslow, owing probably to the fact that Second Series, v, 37. 
his greatest services were performed In 

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Atlantic has been told over and over again — never so 
effectively as by William Bradford. Even Pilgrims were 
not free from seasickness, — to the unsettling of the tem- 
per of one lusty able seaman, who cursed them roundly 
and said that he hoped to cast half of them overboard 
before the journey's end. It happened otherwise, for his 
dead body was the first to be thrown from the ship — 
"and it was an astonishment to all his fellows," says 
Bradford, "for they noted it to be the just hand of God 
upon them." The autumn gales which sweep the Western 
Ocean spared not this historic ship and her heroic band. 
One of them died on the way ; but his place on the list 
was made good by the birth of a son to Master Hopkins, 
who was appropriately christened " Oceanus." 

On November 11, 1620, a low, sandy shore greeted their 
eyes. It was the coast of Cape Cod and not that of 
the Delaware region, to which they were bound. The 
ship's course, therefore, was laid to the southward; but 
half a day's sailing brought her amongst the dangerous 
shoals which lie between the southern shore of Cape Cod 
and the island of Nantucket. The roaring of the breakers 
on the tide-rips and the failing wind caused the Pilgrims 
to retrace their course. The next day they entered Prov- 
incetown harbor and fell on their knees and blessed God 
for their escape from the dangerous shoals. And well 
they may have rejoiced. Even now, with buoys, light- 
ships in the sea, and lighthouses on land, and steam to 
propel the vessel against tide and wind, the passage of 
Nantucket Shoals is not to be lightly undertaken by a 
novice in its navigation. 1 

* One of the most attractive allure- had the facts been otherwise than as they 

ments to divert the student of history were. For instance, an English writer, 

from the narrow path of fact is the in- Mr. J. A. Doyle, informs us that " if the 

quiry as to what might have happened Plymouth settlement had never been 

vol. i. — x 

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Landing on the shore of what is now Provincetown 
harbor, the Pilgrims first set foot on American soil. The 
neighborhood, however, did not seem to them to be a good 
site for a settlement. For a month and more they 
explored the near-by land and the coasts farther off. At 
length, on the sixth day of December, 1620, some ten of 
the Pilgrims with a party of seamen set off in a large 
sailboat or shallop which they had brought with them 
for service on the coast. It was a bitter day when they 
started, and the spray froze on their coats as they voyaged 
along. Tracing the inner shore of Cape Cod, they 
explored every likely spot and beat off the natives who 
attacked them. Friday, December 8, found them off the 
high land of Manomet. As they sailed northward in 
the growing darkness of that December afternoon, the 
weather grew worse with increasing wind and flurries 
of snow, and the sea grew constantly rougher. They 
were steering for Plymouth harbor, which had been so 
named on the map published by Captain John Smith, 
six years before. Suddenly the mast went overboard, 
broken in three pieces. They then took to the oars and 
by great good fortune and a strong flood tide were swept 
into the harbor, where they anchored under the shelter of 
an island which later they named Clark's Island in honor of 
the mate of their ship. The next day was fair with bright 
sunshine ; they employed themselves in repairing damages 
as well as they could, and on Sunday they rested. On 
Monday morning, December 11, Old Style, or December 
21, New Style, they were up betimes. The tide was high 

made, the political life of New England would ever have emigrated had not the 

would in all probability have taken the Pilgrim experiment been made and in a 

same form and run the same course as it measure succeeded. But speculations of 

did" (Puritan Colonies, English edi- this kind have little profit except to 

tion, i, 61). On the other hand, it may those who enjoy controversy, 
well be questioned if the Nonconformists 

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on that morning at about nine o'clock. Taking advantage 
of this, they sounded the harbor and found it fit for ship- 
ping 1 and also went ashore and found divers cornfields 
and little running brooks. The place seemed to them 
" very good for situation," so they returned to their ship, 
which was still lying at anchor in the harbor at the end 
of Cape Cod. On December 16, Old Style (26, New 
Style), 1620, a fortunate turn of the wind enabled the 
Mayflower to sail across the bay and anchor in Plym- 
outh harbor. After several days spent in viewing the 
eligible sites on the mainland, they decided to make their 
settlement at the place where the town of Plymouth now 
stands. They had no sooner reached this conclusion than 
the weather became stormy and wet, and so continued for 
some days. 

Bradford nowhere gives us the name of the ship which 
brought him to New England. To him and his com- 
panions the Mayflower must have seemed a woe-laden bark 
indeed. Of her passengers, one died before the shores of 
the New World rose above the horizon. Four more passed 
away while she lay in the harbor at the end of Cape 
Cod, and her anchor had not been at the bottom of Plym- 
outh harbor many days before another death occurred. 
Then came death upon the Pilgrims so heavily that they 
forebore all work and devoted themselves to nursing the 
sick and the dying on the ship and in the rude hut which 
they had built on the land. Sometimes two or three of 
their small number died in a day and in the time of their 
greatest distress, but six or seven remained in sufficient 
health to care for the rest. When the Mayflower set sail 

1 So the Pilgrims wrote ; bat the Ice in and about Plymouth harbor in the 
United States Coast Pilot warns mod- winter season, 
era mariners against the dangers of 

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for home in April, 1621, scarce fifty were alive. Of the 
dead, none more deserve remembrance than the wives 
and mothers who spent their strength for their husbands 
and children. Eighteen married women graced the May- 
flower's decks when her anchor went down in Cape Cod 
harbor; when the first summer greeted the Pilgrims at 
Plymouth, but four of them were alive. It is the heroism 
of this pathetic tragedy that gives the Pilgrim story, as 
typified by Plymouth Rock, its place in our annals ; for, 
truthfully, it may be said that the Mayflower brought 
to American shores that undefinable moral quality which 
is sometimes called the " New England conscience." 

Before leaving England the Pilgrim leaders had secured 
a patent from the Virginia Company, authorizing them 
to settle within the limits of Virginia and conferring upon 
them a large measure of self-government. This document 
was inoperative outside of Virginia. It became necessary, 
therefore, to make other arrangements, especially as sev- 
eral of their number being " not well affected to unity and 
concord . . . gave some appearance of faction." For this 
reason, a compact or association was drawn up on Novem- 
ber 11, 1620, or it may be that articles of association which 
had already been formulated were made over to suit the 
altered circumstances. The original list of the signers of 
this compact has long since disappeared, but Nathaniel 
Morton, writing in 1669, gives forty-one names as ap- 
pended to the agreement. The Mayflower Compact, to 
give this document its popular name, was in the general 
form of a Separatist church covenant. In the beginning 
and again in the ending is an acknowledgment of alle- 
giance to the king of England. This was natural, for it 
was to place themselves within the scope of English laws 
and customs that the leaders had left their old homes in 

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Leyden. In the body of the Compact, the signers promise 
all due submission and obedience to " such just and equal 
laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices from time 
to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient 
for the general good of the colony." 1 This Compact 
was not in any way the constitution of an independent 
state, as has sometimes been said. It was, indeed, pre- 
cisely the opposite, — an agreement made by Englishmen 
who, finding themselves on English soil without any 
specified powers of government, agreed to govern them- 
selves until the king's pleasure should be signified. There 
was not the slightest thought of independence, and the 
government thus instituted was legal as between the 
signers under the Common Law. How far the Compact 
gave its signers a legal right to govern other English sub- 
jects may well be doubted ; but as to the advisability of 
the small minority of the Mayflower band obeying the 
behests of the officers appointed under it, there could be 
no question. 

John Carver was the first governor. On his death in 
April, 1621, William Bradford was chosen in his place, and 
was annually reelected until his death in 1657, with the 
exception of five years, when he absolutely refused to 
serve. As the colony grew in size assistants were ap- 
pointed to relieve him of some of the care and responsi- 
bility. In 1621, the Council for New England conferred 
upon the men of Plymouth rights of jurisdiction ; but as 
this document had no legal force, the government of 
Plymouth throughout its history as a separate colony 
rested upon the memorable Mayflower Compact. The 

* See Monrt's Relation (Dexter's edi- nearly every secondary work on Hym- 
tion), 6. The Compact is also in Brad- oath or New England, 
ford's Plymouth Plantation, and in 

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signers of the Compact became the first voters of the 
colony exercising their rights in a general meeting. They 
were practically all the adult male passengers of the May- 
flower excepting two seamen who were engaged to stay in 
the country for one year and one or two servants. As the 
years rolled by, the franchise became more restricted, until 
finally it resembled the system which prevailed in the 
neighboring colony of Massachusetts Bay. 1 

In the early years of the Pilgrim settlement, there 
was almost unintermitted hunger. The seas off the coast 
teemed with cod and other food fishes, while the for- 
ests at their back sheltered wild beasts and game of 
various sorts. The shores of their harbor contained shell- 
fish, and the beds of the rivers and brooks were alive with 
eels. Yet, in the midst of this plenty, the Pilgrims looked 
to agriculture for their supply of food, and when that 
failed, they experienced keen distress. The reason for 
this is not far to seek; in those days, middle-class Eng- 
lishmen knew little of sport. In England and in Holland, 
not one of them probably had ever gone in pursuit of a 
wild animal, and few, if any, had ever caught a fish. 
The first plan of the colony probably included fishing 
for the English market as a part of the enterprise, but 
this fishery presumably would have been carried on by 
the hired crew of the smaller ship which was left behind. 
At all events, when the Pilgrims went afishing in 
America, they found that their hooks were too large for 
the shore fish. They seldom pursued the animals in the 
wilderness, or the wild fowl along the shore. From time 
to time they eked out their scanty fare with clams and 

1 In 1638-39 a representative system organized in Massachusetts. Gf. below, 
had been established; it was closely p. 346, and Plymouth Colony Records, 
modeled on that which had already been xi, 31. 

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eels — the former they dug from the mud, the latter they 
trod out by their feet. 1 

Agriculture at Plymouth was long retarded by the 
vicious system under which the colony was founded. It 
will be recalled that for seven years there was to be no 
private ownership of land and no reward for the indus- 
trious colonist. During that time, whatever was pro- 
duced went into the common stock and during that 
time also every one was to be fed and clothed from the 
common stock, regardless of his capacity or industry. 
The Pilgrims' experience in this "common course and 
condition," as Bradford terms it, clearly evinced to that 
great administrator's mind " the vanity of that conceit 
of Plato and other ancients . . . that the taking away of 
property and bringing in community into a common- 
wealth would make them happy and flourishing as if 
they were wiser than God." For it was found to retard 
employment and to breed discontent among the colonists. 
The younger men grew restive when they saw the fruits 
of their strength and activity being used for the support of 
other men's families, while the able men thought it injus- 
tice that they should have no more food and clothing than 
those who could not produce one quarter as much as they 
did. The aged and graver men considered it an indignity 
to be ranked with the younger and meaner sort ; " and for 
men's wives to be commanded to do service for other men, 
as dressing their meat, washing their clothes, etc., they 
deemed it a kind of slavery, neither could many husbands 
well brook it." * 

The picture which arises in one's mind of the life at 

* On this general subject, see an inter- * Bradford's Plymouth Plantation 

esting article by E. H. Goes on "The (Deane's edition), 135. 
Hungry Pilgrims" in Magazine of 
American History, xiii, 477-480. 

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Plymouth in the early days is interesting. One can imagine 
Governor Carver, and, after his death, Governor Bradford, 
summoning the men and grown-up boys about him, and 
going to the field to prepare the soil or care for the grow- 
ing corn. Probably the world has never seen a more dis- 
interested and law-abiding set of men than those who 
followed Bradford in the summer of 1621 ; there were not 
two black sheep among them, but, with all his care, they 
could not grow food enough to fill the hungry mouths in 
the settlement. This was not because they had to clear 
the land, for they had happened upon abandoned Indian 
cornfields ; it was not that they planted the wrong thing 
or planted it in the wrong way, for the Indians showed 
them how to grow Indian corn, and the seed they had 
taken from an Indian storehouse for which they com- 
pensated the natives. The cause of their distress was 
almost entirely that " common course and condition " 1 of 
which Bradford speaks so contemptuously. At length 
their exigencies became so pressing that it was absolutely 
necessary to make other arrangements unless the settle- 
ment were to be abandoned, and the whole amount of 
human lives and suffering as well as money of their 
friends in England be absolutely unproductive. In 1623, 
therefore, a parcel of land was assigned to each family for 
present use only. This had good success as it made all 
hands exceedingly industrious. Now the women went 
willingly into the fields and took their little ones with 
them to help set the corn, " whom to have compelled 
would have been thought great tyranny." At one time 

1 It is a mistake to call this " com- limited in point of time; communism is 

monism," as that word has a very differ- a scheme for equalizing the social con- 

ent connotation from the system which ditions of life. Doyle (Puritan Colonic*, 

prevailed at Plymouth or at Jamestown. English edition, i, 72) , however, refers to 

These were Joint-stock enterprises, the Plymouth system as communism. 

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it seemed as if even this expedient would be of no avail. 
For the dry summer and the hot sun caused the corn to 
wither and turn brown. In this time of awful expecta- 
tion, they set apart a day of humiliation " to seek the 
Lord by humble and fervent prayer." The answer was 
a soaking rain which caused the corn to revive, and in the 
end there was a liberal harvest — " for which mercy (in time 
convenient) they also set apart a day of thanksgiving." 1 

In the summer of 1623, before the harvest was gathered, 
two vessels, the Anne and the Little James, came into the 
harbor. They brought more than sixty passengers, among 
whom were the wives and children of some of those who 
were already in the colony. The desolateness of the set- 
tlement and the poverty of the settlers daunted and dis- 
mayed the newcomers. The colonists were ragged, some 
were almost half naked ; they had nothing better to give 
their friends than a lobster, or a piece of fish without any 
bread, and only a cup of fair spring water to wash it down. 2 
But the scanty fare, such as it was, throve with the set- 
tlers, for there was not a case of sickness in the colony. 

It is easy to cast blame on Bradford and the other prin- 
cipal men at Plymouth for modifying the agreement with 
the London merchants and to say that what they did was 
to break their contract. In reality, they did the only thing 
which could have been done to save the enterprise from 
failure. Bradford must be regarded as the managing 
partner on the spot and, as such, clothed with a measure 
of discretion. In the end what saved the Pilgrim colony 
from extinction and gave the settlers a chance to repay the 
London merchants for their advances was a well-managed 

1 Bradford's Plymouth Plantation scribing the condition of the colony at 

(Deane's edition), 96, 142 note. this time in American Historical Review, 

8 There is a most interesting letter yiii, 294. 
from Bradford and Isaac Allerton de- 

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fur trade along the coast to the eastward and also to the 

When the Pilgrims decided upon the Plymouth hillsides 
as the site of their new homes they chanced upon a spot 
from which the natives had been swept by mortal disease, 
to use the picturesque phrase of Cotton Mather, " the 
woods had been cleared of those pernicious creatures to 
make room for a sounder growth." The plague, as the 
early colonists called it, or the smallpox, as one medically 
trained historian of the present diagnoses it, 1 or perchance 
measles, had sent the Indians to a happy hunting ground 
with the exception of one only, Squanto or Tisquantum 
by name. He was brought to the settlement by a more 
forward savage named Samoset, who had lived for some 
time with Englishmen. The Pilgrims took Tisquantum 
into their settlement and cared for him tenderly, accord- 
ing to their lights. He gave them in return many useful 
lessons, without which they would probably have starved ; 
he also acted as guide and interpreter. In the spring of 
1621 appeared a royal visitor, Massasoit, war chief of the 
Wampanoags, who lived at some distance from Plymouth 
— to the southward. Him the Pilgrims received as best 
they might with aqua vitw, of which " he drank a great 
draught that made him sweat all the while after." « They 
then," so Winslow tells us, " treated of peace," and it was 
agreed that neither the red men nor the white should 
injure the other, and if any offense should be committed 
the offender should be punished. This treaty was in real- 
ity a defensive alliance, the Pilgrims assuring Massasoit 
that if he kept his word, King James would esteem him 

1 8ee S. A. Green's " Centennial Ad- for the tradition that the "bubonic 

dress " before the Massachusetts Medical plague " was the disease. He states that 

Society, p. 12. Hutchinson (History of the smallpox swept off large numbers of 

Massachusetts, i, 34 note) is authority the natives in 1633. 

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1621] THE INDIANS 816 

as a friend and ally, — the agreement in all its parts was 
kept by both white men and red men for more than half 
a century, 1 until Massasoit and Bradford and Winslow had 
long been in their graves. Winslow's description of the 
natives is interesting ; the chieftain's face, he tells us, was 
painted a sad red-like murrey with his head and face so 
carefully oiled " that he looked greasily." His followers 
also were painted as to their faces, some black, some red, 
some yellow, and some white, with crosses and curious 
devices. The alliance with this important tribe of Indians 
was cemented, not long afterward, by Winslow's bringing 
Massasoit back to life from a state of coma. Assured of 
the aid of these Indians, there was little danger of trouble 
with the natives living to the south and east of Plymouth ; 
but with those living to the north and to the west, matters 
did not proceed so smoothly. 

While these events were transacting at Plymouth, the 
Council for New England had been granting land in the 
New World with a lavish hand. Among other grants was 
one to Thomas Weston, who had negotiated the agreement 
with the Pilgrims. In 1622 he sent out a colony to the 
shores of what is now called Boston harbor, but which in 
those days was known as Massachusetts Bay. There, on 
the southern side of the harbor or bay in what is now the 
town of Weymouth, his men built a few huts and began 
to trade with the Indians. Weston had been grievously 
disappointed at the outcome of the Plymouth settlement, 
which, for the first three years, was a losing venture to all 
concerned. To his colony, therefore, there came no women, 
old persons, or children, but only strong lusty men. " Star- 
vation, nevertheless, early befell them. They begged from 

1 See, for example, entries in the " Court Records " tinder date of 1641 in 
Plymouth Colony Records, H, 20, etc. 


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the Indians, they stole from the Indians ; they made them- 
selves such a nuisance that the natives decided to kill 
them. To make a clean job of it, these Indians tried to 
stir up the savages along the coast to do away with the 
Plymouth people also. It turned out otherwise than the 
natives had expected, for the Weston colonists were fore- 
warned and sent one of their number, through the snows 
which blocked the wilderness in the early spring, to Plym- 
outh. This appeal for aid the Pilgrims at once answered, 
for the lives of Englishmen were at stake. Captain Miles 
Standish, with such men as could be spared, sailed in the 
shallop for Massachusetts Bay. Arriving at the settle- 
ment, he found everything in confusion ; the men scattered 
about, some of them even living with the Indians. His 
first work was to collect the scattered colonists and get 
them to a place of safety. Then he turned on the Indians 
and did his work so thoroughly that ten years later, when 
the natives found a wandering white man in the wilderness, 
half crazed with starvation and hardships, they surrounded 
him and sent to Plymouth to ask Governor Bradford as to 
what they should do. As for Weston's men, they were 
removed to Plymouth whence most of them returned to 

The next colony to come to the shore of Massachusetts 
Bay was led by Robert Gorges, son of the persistent Sir 
Ferdinando. The younger Gorges had with him several 
men of means and ability and also two clergymen, one a 
Church-of-England man, William Morrell, who was to act 
as religious superintendent of New England ; the other of 
doubtful religious views whose name was variously spelled 
from Blaxtun to Blackstone. In place of settling on the 
northwest comer of Massachusetts Bay, or Boston harbor, 
where his patent was, Robert Gorges found shelter in the 

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abandoned huts at Wessagusset (1623). The history of 
this attempt is a story of misfortune. Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges, in sending out this colony, had undertaken an 
enterprise beyond his financial ability. At all events it 
was soon given up, although some of his men remained. 
In 1628 there were eight plantations along the New Eng- 
land coast, stretching from Dover and Portsmouth on the 
north, southward to Plymouth. Of these Plymouth and 
Portsmouth were the largest. A few of the Gorges' colo- 
nists who remained on the shores of Massachusetts Bay 
were men of substance for the most part. The most 
picturesque of these early settlers was Thomas Morton; 
whose career will be treated in a later chapter. All these 
were forerunners of the Great Emigration to Massachu- 
setts, which was the most successful colonizing enterprise 
of the first half of the seventeenth century. 

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I. Bibliography. — The sources of early Plymouth history are 
William Bradford's History of Plymouth Plantation, the earlier 
account which Bradford and Winslow wrote at the time and sent 
to England by the returning Mayflower (this is usually called " Mourt's 
Relation," from the name signed to the prefatory note), the Plymouth 
Colony Records, and a few shorter pieces by Winslow, Bradford, and 
others. Of these " Mourt's Relation," being written at the time by 
the actors themselves, is of the first authority for the events that it 
relates. Bradford (Plymouth Plantation, Deane's ed., p. 6) tells us 
that he began his great work in 1630, — years after the most inter- 
esting events in the Pilgrim story had become matters of history. 
Furthermore, it should be remembered that Bradford, who was born 
in 1589, was not one of the leaders in the migration from England ; 
his knowledge of the motives which actuated the leaders of that time 
must have been gathered from conversation and then written down 
from memory years later. Winslow's Hypocrisy Unmasked was 
written after 1640. Under these circumstances it is truly unfortu- 
nate that the early leaves of the Plymouth records are, for the most 
part, illegible or destroyed. 

For three quarters of a century the manuscript of Bradford's great 
work was lost to sight. Portions of it were known through extracts 
which had been made before its disappearance. It was found in 
1855 in the muniment room of the Bishop of London at Fulham. 
A transcript was procured by Mr. Charles Deane, and under his 
editorship was printed as a volume of the Collections of the Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society. 1 The manuscript has recently come 
into the possession of the state of Massachusetts and may now be 
inspected at the State House at Boston. A facsimile edition has 
been printed by an English publishing firm and a verbatim edition 
has been published by the state of Massachusetts ; but Deane's edi- 
tion is the most useful for the student. 

Morton Dexter's Story of the Pilgrims was written for young 
people, but it is the best account of the settlement of Plymouth yet 

*8ee Winsor's paper in Massachu- The circumstances under which the 

setts Historical Society's Proceedings, manuscript returned to America are re- 

xix, 106, and Deane's own account of the counted in O. F. Hoar's Return of the 

finding in ibid., April, 1865, vol. iii, p. 19. Manuscript of Bradford's History. 

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printed. Arber's Story of the Pilgrim Fathers is made up of ex- 
cerpts from the leading Pilgrim sources, with some comment by the 
editor. John Brown's Pilgrim Fathers of New England is an inter- 
esting book from an English pen. The account of the Plymouth 
settlement in Doyle's Puritan Colonies is an appreciative and dis- 
criminating treatment of this part of the subject. Probably the best 
statement in brief compass is Franklin B. Dexter's chapter in Winsor's 
America, iii. The accompanying notes give ample bibliographical 

II. 'The " Mayflower." — The hawthorn (Cratcegus oxyacantha) is 
one of the commonest and thorniest shrubs to be seen in England, 
where it is extensively used for hedges. Its flower is called " the 
may," or sometimes " mayflower." The latter was a favorite name 
for ships. For instance, a Mayflower belonging to King's Lynn 
served against the Spanish Armada in 1588. In 1600 a committee 
of those interested in a voyage to the East Indies viewed several 
vessels, among others a May Flower, and in 1659 a May Flower 
belonging to the East India Company foundered in the Bay of Ben- 
gal. A Mayflower also brought passengers to Massachusetts in 
1630. With the propensity to attach to known objects information 
as to things which are not known, it has been suggested that these 
references, excepting the first of them, relate to the ship which 
brought the first settlers to Plymouth ; but this is pure conjecture. 
The entries as to the East India Company's ship are in Henry 
Stevens's Dawn of British Trade to the East Indies, pp. xi and 13. 
The Mayflower is nowhere mentioned by name by Bradford or 
Winslow. There can be no doubt but that the ship of 1620 bore 
that name, because, in the list of vessels and passengers going to Vir- 
ginia in 1620, the Mayflower is mentioned with about the number 
of passengers that the Pilgrim ship carried, and her return is noted 
at about the time the Pilgrim ship probably reached England. 
Moreover, in the allotment of land at Plymouth, the assignments 
were made according to the date of the recipient's arrival, and this 
was stated by grouping them under the names of the three vessels 
which brought colonists to Plymouth in the early years. We know 
when the other ships arrived, and therefore the unplaced ship must 
have been the bearer of the first Pilgrims, and her name is given as 
the May Flouer. Those who are grouped under this name are also 
known to be the survivors of the 1620 voyage. Putting these facts 
together there can be no reason to doubt that the name of the famous 

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Pilgrim ship was Mayflower. See Manchester Papers in Royal His- 
torical Manuscripts Commission's Reports, viii, pt. ii, p. 37. The 
same entry is given in Brown's First Republic. The land records are 
in Plymouth Colony Records, xii, 4, in Hazard's State Papers, i, 100, 
and in Arbor's Pilgrim Fathers, 382. R. G. Marsden, in Englisli 
Historical Review, xix, 669, gives details of many Mayflowers and 
shows with some degree of probability that the captain of the Pil- 
grim ship was Christopher Jones instead of Thomas Jones, as has 
been supposed, in which case all arguments based on the supposed 
bad character of the latter would fall to the ground. 

III. The Landing on Plymouth Rock. — It is difficult to treat a subject 
like this historically, because the matter is one of sentiment rather 
than of fact. We rightly celebrate the coming to America of the 
ideals typified in some of the Pilgrims. Harking back to the character- 
istics of our remote ancestors, like them we associate events with trees 
and with stones. It is to be hoped that Plymouth Rock may long con- 
tinue to form the theme of annual after-dinner discourses, and of more 
formidable set orations. From the historian's workshop, however, 
the outlook is necessarily somewhat different He sees that there 
never was a " landing " on Plymouth Rock or elsewhere, as described 
in oration or shown in painting and engraving. Pilgrim foot first 
pressed the soil of the New World on the shores of Provincetown har- 
bor. The Pilgrims first went on shore on the mainland inside of Plym- 
outh harbor, on December 11-21, 1620, having three days previously 
entered the harbor, and having for two days been encamped on 
Clark's Island. The Mayflower was then at anchor at the end of 
Cape Cod, twenty-five miles or more away, and did not reach Plym- 
outh harbor until December 16-26. During the winter she served 
as refuge and hospital, and it was not until the end of March, 1621, 
that the last of her passengers left her for the shore. On the day 
(December 12-22, 1620) we commemorate as " forefathers' day," we 
have absolutely no knowledge of the doings of the forefathers. The 
mistake as to date arose in transferring old-style dates to those of 
modern times and is entirely excusable. The tradition of Plymouth 
Rock being used as a landing place goes back to Elder Faunce who, 
in 1741, at the age of ninety-one, undertook to repeat what he had 
heard years before from the original settlers. See Palfrey's New 
England, i, 171, note 3. 

There is a considerable literature on this general theme. The 
passages in "Mourfs Relation" are easily found under the date. 

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The account in Bradford's Plymouth Plantation was written at least 
ten years after the event, and adds little to our knowledge. Of 
modern discussions may be noted brief articles by Professor Good- 
win and the present writer in Massachusetts Historical Society's 
Proceedings for 1903. See also the Nation for July 20 and 
August 24, 1882, and Magazine of American History, vols, viii and ix. 

VOL. I. — T 

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The Massachusetts Bay Company owed its existence to 
a grant of land in America which had come from the 
crown through the Council for New England. It was in 
March, 1627-28, that Robert Rich, Earl of Warwick, acting 
as president of the Council for New England, signed a 
patent giving to John Endicott and five associates lands 
extending from the Atlantic to the Pacific between the 
parallels of two points situated respectively three miles 
south of the head of the Charles River and three miles 
north of the source of the Merrimac. 1 The plan of those 
who received the grant of this imperial area seems to have 
been to secure a profitable return from fishing in the ocean, 
trading in furs with the Indians, and such agriculture as 
might seem desirable. The plantations were to be culti- 
vated largely by tenants and servants as was the case in 
Virginia at the moment. In the beginning, therefore, the 
scheme was designed to be a commercial venture. A year 
later, these associates and others, who had meantime joined 
them, procured from Charles I a confirmation of this grant 
with extensive rights of jurisdiction. The new corpora- 
tion sent out expeditions to take possession of their 
domain. The representative on the New England coast 
was John Endicott, one of the original grantees. Up to 
this point, the enterprise does not seem to have been reli- 
ef. 8. A. Green's "Northern ican Antiquarian Society's Proceed- 
Bonndary of Massachusetts" in Amer- inga, vii, 11. 

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gious in any way. 1 The greater part of the associates were 
Nonconformists or Separatists, but some of them were 
conforming members of the Established Church. In the 
summer of 1629 a change took place in the control of the 
company which placed it in the hands of Nonconformists 
who were determined to seek new habitations and to 
found another Canaan on the western side of the Atlantic. 
To understand this movement aright, it will be necessary 
to glance briefly at some portions of the history of England 
in the years following 1626. 

William Laud was now Bishop of London, but, owing 
to his influence with the king, he was the practical ruler 
of the Established Church, as well as chief minister in civil 
affairs. He was very active in the Star Chamber and in 
the High Commission and may be said to have dominated 
the Council. The closing of Parliament in March, 1629, 
and the imprisonment of Sir John Eliot which followed, 
gave plain warning to all who might oppose the govern- 
ment that no halfway measures would be pursued. It is 
one of the most serious mistakes which students of history 
make to regard William Laud, Oliver Cromwell, and John 
Winthrop as intolerant. Toleration had nothing to do with 
the problems which they were seeking to settle. Laud and 
Winthrop were believers in an ecclesiastical establishment 
in every state. Their craving for uniformity in religion 
was not peculiar to them. It was due, in part at least, to 
a consciousness that the only way to preserve the national 
religion from alien control was to maintain the state 
Church at the cost of the freedom of human thought, nay 
of humanity itself. They should be regarded in the light 

1 On the early history of the Massa- ("Transactions of the American Anti- 
chiisetts Bay Company, see an article by quarian Society ")» iii, pp. ix-cxxxviii. 
S. F. Haven in Arehmohgia Americana 

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of combatants engaged in a life-aud-death struggle for some- 
thing which they thought was worth living and dying for. 
It is as reasonable to think of the Union soldier with arms 
in his hands tolerating an armed Confederate clothed in 
his garb of gray as it is to think of William Laud tolerating 
John Winthrop or of John Winthrop tolerating William 
Laud. In times of stern religious enthusiasm toleration 
has no place. It is when religion has a weak hold on a 
-people that toleration prevails, — except sometimes when 
it is used as a cloak under which shelter may be found. 1 

Whether the considerations just mentioned are true or 
false, the case of Alexander Leighton was full of meaning 
to those who disagreed with William Laud. Leighton 
was a stiff-necked Scot, a graduate of St. Andrew's who 
had studied medicine at Leyden in Holland, and had in 
both places absorbed religious fervor. Coming to London, 
he was refused permission either to preach religion or to 
practice medicine ; but he did both and also wrote books. 
The first of these to attract attention was entitled " An 
Appeal to Parliament, or Sion's Plea Against Prelacy." 
It was circulated in manuscript as early as 1628, and was 
afterward printed, when its author was exercising his 
office of the ministry in the Netherlands. Incautiously 
venturing to London, he was seized and brought before 
Laud and the Council in the Star Chamber. According 
to Leighton, the only remedy for the present condition of 
woe in Sion was the extirpation of the prelates — those 
"knobs and wens and bunchy popish flesh" who were 
further described as " Athaliah's Arminianized and Jesuit- 
ical crew." The result for Leighton was a fine of ten 
thousand pounds, the equivalent of two hundred thousand 
dollars in our day and money. Besides this, the condemned 

i See on this topic Traill's Social England, iii, 483. 

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1620] JOHN WINTHROP 325 

author was sentenced to stand in the pillory at Westminster, 
be whipped, have one of his ears cut off, his nose slit, and 
be branded in the face with the letters S. S., and, at some 
later time, stand in the pillory at Cheapside, again be 
whipped, lose his other ear, and be imprisoned for life. 
The fine, of course, he could not pay, but the first round 
of torture and mutilation was inflicted; Charles forgave 
Leighton the second whipping and one ear, and the Long 
Parliament set him at liberty after ten years' imprison- 
ment, with such compensation for his sufferings as the 
estate of William Laud might afford. Four days after 
the High Commission pronounced this sentence, John 
Winthrop approached the coast of New England. 

Of good old English stock, John Winthrop was born in 
the Armada year, 1588, some months before William Brad- 
ford first saw the light of day. He attended the University 
of Cambridge, but did not receive a degree. At an early 
age he married and began to manage his own or his father's 
landed estate. Later on he read law and acted as an 
attorney in the Court of Wards. Winthrop regarded 
this position in the light of an " office," but what its 
duties and obligations may have been seems to be diffi- 
cult of ascertainment. He had no connection with the 
formation of the Massachusetts Bay Company, unless 
reliance can be placed on his statement that " with great 
difficulty we got . . . abscinded " certain requirements 
in the original form of the Massachusetts Charter. The 
sentence in which these words occur was written many 
years after the sealing of the charter and when Winthrop 
had long been the most prominent member of the cor- 
poration. He may well have forgotten the exact course 
of events in that earlier time and have used the word 
« we " where " they " would have been more accurate. 

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Moreover, Winthrop does not seem to have taken part 
in the opposition to the Forced Loan of 1626, and other 
early unconstitutional measures of Charles I. Indeed, his 
son, John Winthrop, Jr., joined the expedition for the 
relief of La Rofchelle, which, taken by itself, would imply 
that the Winthrops stood well with the court. What- 
ever their position may have been in the earliest years 
of Charles's reign, the contest over the Petition of Right, 
the subsequent stormy scenes in the House of Commons, 
and the imprisonment of Sir John Eliot found Winthrop 
acting with the opposition. He soon lost his office and 
began to look about for new avenues of usefulness. 

From an early age Winthrop had been given to reli- 
gious introspection. In 1606 he began a series of notes or 
" Experienta," which have been preserved and throw a 
flood of light upon his religious condition, which must have 
been similar to that of many another Nonconformist. In 
one of the early entries in this journal of religious impres- 
sions Winthrop notes that in 1606 he covenanted with the 
Lord to reform " these sins by his grace, pride, coveteous- 
ness, love of this world, vanity of mind, unthankfulness, 
sloth, both in his service and in my calling. . . . God 
give me grace to perform my promise, and I doubt not but 
he will perform his. God make it fruitful. Amen." * In 
worldly matters Winthrop possessed a cool, calculating 
temperament which gave him great advantage in dealing 
with the men of that day, most of whom were not in any 
respect passionless. Before taking any action, he care- 
fully went over the pros and cons and sometimes set 
them down upon paper. It was natural, therefore, when 
about to take the great step of leaving England and 
embarking for the New World, that he should reason the 

i Winthrop's New England, i, 65. 

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matter out both as regards the undertaking and himself. 
It seems in every way probable that the paper of reasons 
which is attributed to him by the filial editor of his Life 
and Letters came from his pen. 1 In this paper the 
carrying the gospel into America and erecting a " bulwark 
against the kingdom of anti-Christ which the Jesuits labor 
to rear up in those parts " is given as the foremost motive. 
This was doubtless suggested by the Catholic reaction 
which seemed to be overtaking the Protestant states and 
churches of Europe. Economic and social reasons are 
then adverted to, such as the overpopulation of England, 
which is so great that man, "the most precious of all 
creatures, is here more vile and base than the earth we 
tread upon . . . and thus it is come to pass, that chil- 
dren, servants, and neighbors, especially if they be poor, 
are counted the greatest burdens, which if things were 
right would be the chiefest earthly blessing." On the 
western side of the Atlantic the Lord had provided a 
whole continent for the use of man ; why should it longer 
« lie waste without any improvement ? " Furthermore, 
luxury in England had grown to such a "height of in- 
temperance in all excess of riot, as no man's estate almost 
will suffice to keep sail with his equals." The present 
enterprise seemed to be the work of God to save his 
chosen English people from the general ruin : « What 
can be a better work and more honorable and worthy 
a Christian," he asks, "than to help raise and support 
a particular church?" To these favorable arguments 
several doubts were raised as, for example, the ill-success 
of other plantations. The answer to this objection was 

1 Cf. Massachusetts Historical Soci- John Winthrop, i, 809. In briefer form 

ety's Proceedings, 1869-64, p. 310. The it is given in Hutchinson's Collection of 

Reasons is printed at greatest length in Papers, 27, and in Young's Chronicles 

R. C. Winthrop's Life and Letters of of Massachusetts, 269. 

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that none of the earlier planters had sustained any great 
damage except those of Virginia, "which happened through 
their own sloth and security." Moreover, there were great 
and fundamental errors in that enterprise which would be 
avoided in this, as, for instance, " 1. their main end was 
carnal and not religious ; " " 2. they used unfit instru- 
ments, a multitude of rude & misgoverned persons, the 
very scum of the land." So objections and answers follow 
one after the other. Ambition also played a leading part 
in determining Winthrop's action, as did the desire to 
better their condition play some part in inducing many 
another to leave England. As things were in the home 
land, Winthrop saw no chance of employment in public 
affairs ; if he did not embrace this opportunity, he feared 
" that talent which God hath bestowed upon him for 
public service were like to be buried." Farseeing as he 
was, Winthrop grievously miscalculated in this. Had he 
stayed in England, his great ability in the management 
of men and his calm self-poise would have placed him 
high among the leaders of the Commonwealth and the 
Protectorate, and might even have contributed to fend off 
the Restoration for many a year. Every American, how- 
ever, must rejoice at Winthrop's choice, since it was the 
Restoration which led directly to the American Revolu- 
tion and the separation from England. 

The Great Emigration was in many respects singularly 
like that earlier fleeing of the Israelites into the wilderness. 
In both cases the religious motive was at the bottom, and 
the exiles forsook the fleshpots of their earlier home, 
which was, to use Winthrop's words, " some pinch to 
them at first." As the Israelites clave to their God and to 
the religion which he gave to them, so the Massachusetts 
leaders left the land of their birth to establish a " particu- 

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lar church " in the American wilderness and to nourish and 
watch over it in its infancy. They had not the remotest 
thought of founding in New England an asylum for the 
religiously persecuted of the earth. What they came here 
to do was to secure the freedom of their own consciences. 
They departed from their country, kindred, and fathers' 
houses that they might enjoy divine worship without 
offense either to God, man, or their own consciences ; or, 
as Winthrop expressed it, " to live under a due form of 
government, both civil and ecclesiastical." They came to 
establish a Bible Commonwealth in which they should 
play the principal parts and bend others to their will. 

On July 28, 1629, nearly five months since Sir John 
Eliot's resolutions were voted by the House of Commons, 
Matthew Cradock, governor of the Massachusetts Bay Com- 
pany, read to the assembled shareholders in that enter- 
prise certain propositions which had been conceived by 
himself, so the secretary stated in the records. 1 These 
propositions were that the government and control of the 
company should be transferred to those who were to 
emigrate to the colony. Mr. Cradock requested the stock- 
holders to regard this suggestion as confidential and to 
think it over carefully. The actual impulse to the Great 
Emigration came four weeks later, when a dozen gentle- 
men of substance met at Cambridge * and signed an agree- 
ment (1629) pledging themselves to be ready with their 
families to depart for New England by the first of March 
next, to inhabit and continue there, provided that before 
the last day of the ensuing September (1629) the charter 
of the Massachusetts Bay Company and the whole govern- 
ment "be first, by an order of court, legally transferred 

1 Massachusetts Colony Records, i, 49. in Hutchinson's Collection of Documents, 

*The "Cambridge Agreement" is 25; Winthrop's £(/e and Letters, i, 344; 

printed in many places, as, for instance, Y oung's Chronicles of Massachusetts, 28L 

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and established to remain with us and others which shall 
inhabit upon the said plantation." Everything fell out as 
the signers of this Cambridge Agreement planned. It was 
found that the charter could be legally transferred, 1 and 
the government was turned over to those who proposed 
to emigrate, Winthrop being elected governor. On Easter 
Monday, March 29, 1630, the new governor began his iZw- 
tary of New England on the flagship, which was then 
at anchor near the Isle of Wight. This vessel had been 
appropriately renamed for Lady Arabella Johnson, 2 who 
with her husband, Isaac Johnson, Thomas Dudley, and 
William Coddington accompanied Winthrop to New Eng- 
land, where in a few years they were joined by Richard 
Bellingham and John Cotton. After a prosperous voyage, 
on Saturday, June 12, 1630, the fleet of eleven ships 
anchored off the mouth of Salem harbor. 

At Salem was a colony composed of those who were 
termed the "Old Planters," who had come to America 
before 1628, and of settlers who had been sent over 
before the change in the management and character of 
the Massachusetts Bay Company. Above eighty of the 
Salem colonists had died in the preceding winter ; many 
of the survivors were ill ; and there was so little food 

i See Note m. that Montagu's name was «« Raphe/' 

9 See Note II. Winthrop, in his IBs- because it was often so spelled in letters 

tory of New England, spells this name and Journals, or to say that Lane's name 

" Arbella," from which it has been in- was Bafe because it is so given on the 

ferred that Isaac Johnson's wife's first title-page of Harlot's " Brief and True 

name was " Arbella," as the ship's Report," as it is to say that Arabella 

name was changed from Eagle in her Stuart's name was " Arbella " because 

honor. This form was frequently used Montagu's correspondent chose so to 

at the time as a contraction for Ara- write it. Isaac Johnson's wife, it may 

bella. For instance, see the " Montagu be added, is called Lady Arabella by 

Manuscripts," i, 139 (Royal Historical an early settler of Massachusetts named 

Manuscripts Commission's Reports), Pond in a letter to his father (Massa- 

where Arabella Stuart is called by a cor- chusetts Historical Society's Proceed- 

respondent of Sir Ralph Montagu " Lady ings, Second Series, Tiii, 472). 
Arbella." It would be as correct to say 

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on hand that Winthrop found it necessary to release 
from their contracts those who were left of the servants 
whom the company had sent over to labor for its benefit. 
The outlook was so dispiriting that no less than two 
hundred passengers returned to England on tha vessels 
which had brought Winthrop and his companions to 
New England. Affairs at Salem were so gloomy, indeed, 
that Winthrop sought another site for his settlement and 
after some exploration pitched upon the shores of Massa- 
chusetts Bay or Boston harbor as the most eligible place. 
The vessels were unloaded and such preparations made 
for the winter as the strength of the settlers permitted. 
Some of the newcomers provided themselves with huts, 
but others were obliged to live in tents. At best there 
was much hardship for men and women, who were 
weakened by the voyage and who had but scanty fare. 
Before December two hundred of the immigrants had 
died. Roger Clap, one of the first settlers of the neigh- 
boring town of Dorchester, gives us a picture of the hard 
conditions of the first winter. He relates that frost-fish, 
mussels, and clams were a relief to many. Occasionally 
the Indians brought small quantities of corn to exchange 
for clothes and knives ; once Clap secured a peck of it in 
exchange for a little puppy dog. Up to the end of Decem- 
ber the winter had held off, as is not infrequently the 
case in New England. Suddenly, on the 24th of that 
month, a blizzard struck the infant settlement. The cold 
came on with violence. Such a Christmas Eve the new- 
comers had never seen before. That any of them were 
alive when the warm weather came again in the spring of 
1681 was due to the foresight of Winthrop in dispatching 
the ship Lyon for England immediately after their arrival, 
to go to the nearest port for provisions and return with all 

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speed. She reached the colony in the middle of February, 
1681, with Roger Williams and other passengers and about 
two hundred tons of goods. Following the Lyon came 
other vessels, especially one from Virginia with corn. The 
supply of food for some years hardly equaled the demand. 
We find, for instance, Nathaniel Ward, one of the most 
prominent men in the colony, writing to Winthrop as 
late as 1685 that he was nearly destitute, having only 
six bushels of corn remaining for himself and those 
dependent upon him ; but there was no famine in Massa- 
chusetts comparable to that which harassed the early 
comers to Virginia. 

Few colonists came to Massachusetts in the years 1631- 
32, 1 as the hardships reported by the first settlers and the 
stern discipline maintained in the colony deterred many 
from emigrating who would otherwise have done so. 
With 1638, however, the tide of immigration again set in, 
and continued until the physical contest with Charles I 
required the presence in England of every available Non- 
conformist and Independent. Then, for some years, the 
ships carried more passengers eastward than they brought 
westward. In May, 1634, Winthrop estimated the popula- 
tion of Massachusetts at four thousand. 2 It is sometimes 
said that the authorities in England connived at the de- 
parture of those who were hostile to the Established 
Church. 8 Of the truth of this surmise, however, there 

* Among other document* relating to Society's Proceedings, Second Series, 

this time may be noted the following viii, 208. 

letters: Thomas Dudley to the Countess * Winthrop to Sir Nathaniel Rich, in 

of Lincoln, in Young's Chronicles of M as- Massachusetts Historical Society's Pro- 

sachusetts ; John Masters to Lady Bar- ceedings, xx, 43. 

rington, in Royal Historical Manuscripts * Egerton (British Colonial Policy , 

Commission's Reports, vii, 547; and 46, 47) appears to believe that Charles 

Richard Saltonstall to Emanuell Down- had some well-thought-out plan of using 

ing, in ibid., xii, Appendix, pt. i, 449, "the colonies as a safety valve for dis- 

and in full in Massachusetts Historical sent, and as instruments for English 

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seems to be little evidence. On the other hand, there is 
evidence that the home authorities were alarmed at the 
size of the outgoing throng. They might well have tried 
to stop it, because the removal of large numbers of per- 
sons from certain districts threatened to upset the social 
fabric. For example, one conforming minister reported 
to Laud that he had not carried out his orders, because if 
he had done so all his parishioners would have gone in a 
body to New England. 1 In 1634 the matter came to a 
head in consequence of a communication to Laud from 
Henry Dade, Commissioner of Suffolk, that two hundred 
and forty persons were already embarked for Massachu- 
setts and that about six hundred more were making prep- 
arations to leave. " Suffering such swarms to go out of 
England will overthrow trade," Dade asserted, all on 
account of a dislike of the Book of Common Prayer, which 
aversion the commissioner termed "giddiness." The 
archbishop appealed to the Privy Council, and eleven 
vessels were stayed for a few weeks. But the passengers, 
being good Nonconformists, said their prayers regularly, 
took the Oath of Allegiance, and were eventually per- 
mitted to sail. 2 At about the same time, the king 
appointed a Commission for the overseeing of the colo- 

shipping and trade." His authority for which was plainly set forth by the attacks 
this statement is an extract from Win- on Massachusetts, the appointment of 
throp's New England (i, 103) which Sir Ferdinando Gorges as governor-gen- 
in a court of law would be regarded as eral, and the commissioning of Laud and 
hearsay evidence, as Winthrop prefaced others favorable to Land's policy to 
his statement with the information that exercise full authority over the colonies, 
his correspondent was " assured from See the commission in abstract in Kir- 
some of the council." This statement ginia Magazine of History, viii, 186. 
was made at the time of Sir Christopher 1 See Calendars of State Papers, 
Gardiner's return to England. He laid Domestic, Charles I, v, 265. 
sundry information before the Council ; * Calendars of State Papers, America 
but the decision was in favor of Massa- and West Indies, 1551-1600, p. 174. The 
chusetts. Cf. Prince's Annals (ed. 1826), same letter is calendared in greater de- 
430. At all events the king soon gave tail in State Papers, Domestic, Charles I, 
his assent to an entirely different policy, vi, 450. 

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nies. 1 This body comprised William Laud, now Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, Richard Neiie, Archbishop of York, 
Lord Keeper Coventry, and nine other officers of state. 
The commissioners were authorized to make laws and 
orders for the government of English colonies in foreign 
parts, to impose penalties for offenses in religious matters, 
to remove governors, to appoint judges, and to hear and 
determine all manner of complaints from the colonies, 
with power to revoke charters and patents which had 
been surreptitiously or unduly obtained. This commis- 
sion in effect was intended to make Archbishop Laud the 
ruler of the colonies. It turned out otherwise, however, 
for the contest over ship money, 2 the troubles with 
Scotland, and the ever continuing lack of funds made it 
impossible to compel the New Englanders to respect the 
authority of archbishop, commission, or king, — « the dis- 
orders of the mother country were the safeguard of the 
infant liberty of New England," and Massachusetts soon 
outgrew all the colonies which had been established before 
that time. 8 

In the year 1630 seventeen vessels with two thousand 
colonists reached the shores of Massachusetts, among 
them the Mayflower. In the summer of 1638, when the 
movement was at its height, ten or a dozen ships came in 
each month; in twelve years' time, nearly two hundred 
vessels discharged their human cargoes into New> England 
ports. Jeremiah Dummer 4 informs us that this great 

i Virginia Magazine of History f rtt, 529-383. Egerton (British Colonial 
156. Policy, 02, 53) has a tew words on the 

* Hie ship-money conflict also drove subject. 

many persons to New England. 8ee for 4 Defence of the Charters, 13, and 

example, Calendars of State Papers, Hutchinson's Massachusetts, I, 91. In 

Domestic, Charles I, xii, 88, 386. 1034 "Torn" Verney, a younger son of 

• On the early attacks on the Massa- Sir Edmund, was fitted out for Virginia 
chnsetts government, see Charles Deane at an expense of £117 12t. Oct. (Verney 
in the Memorial History of Boston, 1, Memoirs, 1, 136). This sum multiplied 

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enterprise cost no less than two hundred thousand pounds 
sterling, the equivalent of about four million dollars in our 
money. He apportions the expenses as follows: passage 
money, ninety-five thousand pounds; freight of cattle, 
twelve thousand ; materials, eighteen thousand ; arms and 
ammunition, twenty-two thousand; food brought over, 
forty-five thousand. This expenditure was in addition to 
the personal disbursements of private individuals, which 
must have reached a large figure. In 1643 the population 
of Massachusetts Bay was over sixteen thousand, 1 more 
than all the rest of British America put together. 

The first settlements in Massachusetts were at Salem, 
at Cape Ann, and on the shores of Massachusetts Bay. 
These antedated the formation of the Massachusetts Bay 
Company, but they were eliminated as social and politi- 
cal factors by the coming of the Great Emigration. Salem 
survived and, after a few years, became a populous town. 
With this exception, the most important settlements were 
Boston, Charlestown, Dorchester, Roxbury, and Water- 
town ; the last of these was situated some miles up the 
Charles River. Between Watertown and Charlestown 
and Boston was founded the Newtowne which was in- 
tended to be the capital city, and to be surrounded by 
defensive works. This plan fell through, but Newtowne 
became the site of the first college in English America. 
One family in forty of those who came to New England 
in the earliest years had some member who was a college 
graduate. Three-fourths of these graduates came from 

by twenty will give a Tery rongh idea of early date, however, hat an interest in 

the cost of fitting out one of " the better itself. 

sort " for the colonies at the height of * These figures are based on Dexter's 

the first great increment. Lady Verney £ftfmatet o/ Population (American An- 

employed an " emigration agent/' which tiqnarian Society's Proceeding*, Octo- 

donbtless increased the total cost. The her, 188?). 

fact that each people existed at such an 

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the older Cambridge. The name of the Newtowne, there- 
fore, was appropriately changed to Cambridge. 

The title to the soil of Massachusetts 1 was derived from 
the king of England indirectly through the Council for 
New England. That monarch based his right to the soil 
upon the original discovery by John Cabot in 1497 and 
the formal "taking possession" by Sir Humphrey Gilbert 
some eighty years later. 2 Title by discovery holds good 
ordinarily for a more limited time ; but as no other nation 
had occupied the country in the interval between Cabot's 
and Gilbert's voyages, the title of the English king by 
right of discovery was certainly as good as that of any 
other European potentate, except so far as such title 
might be affected by the action of Pope Alexander and 
by the fact that Cabot, so far as we know, did not see 
the coast of New England. As to the first of these points, 
the action of Pope Alexander must be considered as relat- 
ing to Spain and to Portugal ; it is not probable that he 
intended to debar other Christian powers from making 
discoveries in the unknown parts of the world, — it must 
be remembered that this action was taken before the 
Protestant Reformation. At the time of the grant by 
James I an English king would not have thought himself 
in any way bound by papal bulls. As to the second point, 
it is extremely doubtful what land Cabot saw;, it cer- 
tainly was some part of the continental system of North 
America. In later times, when the unoccupied parts of 
the earth's surface have come to be very much smaller 
than they were in James's reign, it would be preposterous 
to assert that seeing a cape or a small section of coast line 

1 See Charles Deane's luminous article * See especially Marshall's opinion in 

in Massachusetts Historical Society's the case of Johnson and Graham, lessees, 

Proceedings lor 1873, pp. 341-358, with vs. Mcintosh, Wheaton's Reports, viii, 

abundant references. 643. An abstract is given in Note IV. 

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1630] TITLE TO THE SOIL 887 

conferred rights to a whole continent ; but the claim was 
no more absurd when put forward by James than when 
advanced by others. One more thing should be borne in 
mind: when these claims were first made, it was not 
generally thought that America was three thousand miles 
wide, so that the grant to the Council for New England 
stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific did not appear 
extravagant. At that time no questions as to the extent 
inland of title by discovery had arisen ; the " hinterland " 
was open to the first comer. At a later day, the idea 
began to prevail that the possession of the mouth of a 
river conferred exclusive rights to inland territory drained 
by the main stream and its tributaries. But no such 
refinements existed in the first part of the seventeenth 
century. The Massachusetts title, therefore, as coming 
from the English king was as good, if not better, than that 
of French and Dutch colonists. It was held at the time 
that the title to the soil was in the king, who might bestow 
it on his subjects on such terms as he saw fit. 1 This 
grant was limited by the adverse possession of subjects of 
other Christian princes and also by the occupancy of the 
natives. In the New England charter it was stated that 
the aboriginal inhabitants of portions of the land therein 
conveyed had been removed by the plague ; as to the sur- 
vivors, it was clearly the business of the grantees to 
extinguish their claims. The Massachusetts Bay Com- 
pany recognized this obligation. In 1629 they instructed 
Endicott, their agent in New England, to search out Indian 
claimants and satisfy their reasonable demands " that we 
may avoid the least scruple of intrusion." 9 Those who 
received allotments of lands from the company were also 

1 See Note V, on conditions of the New * Mauachwetts Colony Record; i, 

England grant. 391, 400. 

vol. i. — z 

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expected to satisfy the Indians, and they seem to have 
done this. The early records are lost for the most part 
— including the original Indian deeds; but there is no 
dearth of later deeds, two, for example, from the Squaw 
Sachem and Webcomet, 1 of lands now included in Cam- 
bridge, Charlestown, and Somerville. Except for land 
obtained by conquest from the Pequots not a foot of 
the soil of Massachusetts or New Plymouth was held 
in derogation of Indian rights. So thoroughly, indeed, 
did Massachusetts perform this work of extinguishing 
the Indian title by purchase that the enemies of the 
colony pointed to this fact as evidence that the Mas- 
sachusetts people were prepared to maintain their rights 
to the soil entirely apart from the title conferred in the 
patent of 1629. 2 The Massachusetts people were also 
extremely anxious for the Indian's education and salva- 
tion. John Eliot, the « Apostle to the Indians," was only 
the greatest and most successful of numerous missionaries. 
A building especially intended for the Indians was erected 
in connection with Harvard College, and Caleb Cheeshah- 
teaumuck, an Indian, actually attained the bachelor's 

It was inevitable that intercourse with the natives 
should prove disastrous to the weaker race. The Indians 
absorbed the vices and diseases of the whites without ac- 
quiring their virtues. In 1683 the smallpox carried off 
many of the neighboring tribes who had been untouched 
by the former plague, or, as Winthrop phrased it, "the 
Lord hath cleared our title." 8 The aborigines also 

* Massachusetts Colony Records, i, 43, from the authorities (Massachusetts OoU 
9M;Frothtogham'sCAarfetfown,66note. ony Records, i, 112). 

* As a farther protection for the * Winthrop to Sir Nathaniel Rich, in 
natives the General Court enacted (1633- Massachusetts Historical Society's Pro- 
34) that no private person should pur- ceedings, xx, 44. 

chase Indian lands without permission 

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1680] INDIAN POLICY 339 

acquired a fondness for the alcoholic drink of the white 
men, which wrought especial havoc with them. The 
equality and cordiality with which Newport and Brad- 
ford greeted the sachems of Virginia and Plymouth have 
already been described. Winthrop was even kinder. In 
March, 1631, he entertained John Sagamore and James 
his brother and divers sannops ; and, a little later, Chick- 
atawbut, another sachem, dined with him and stayed all 
night; the Indian chief wore English clothes, sat at the 
governor's table, and behaved as soberly as an English- 
man. On his departure, the governor gave him cheese, 
a mug, and other small things. In the following Septem- 
ber one of the settlers who had stolen corn from the 
natives was ordered to restore it twofold, pay five pounds, 
and be degraded from his title of "Mr.," while his two 
servants who had acted with him in this theft should 
be whipped. At a later date, when the ill effects of the 
consumption of strong liquors by the Indians became evi- 
dent, all persons were forbidden to sell, truck, barter, or 
give to any Indian, directly or indirectly, any strong 
liquors, from rum and brandy to cider and perry under 
penalty of forty shillings for each pint, except in cases 
of sickness or sudden extremities, when one dram might 
be given to relieve a native. 1 For more than a generation 
Massachusetts lived at peace with the natives within her 
borders. Occasionally she afforded aid to the inhabitants 

1 George Bancroft (History of the there were 266,000 Indians in the United 
United States, ii, 100) thinks that "in States, of whom 101,000 wore citizens' 
the springtime of English colonization" dress. In 1880 the census takers re- 
there were some 180,000 Indians in the ported that 66,000 Indians paid taxes, and 
United States east of the Mississippi, and there are reasons for believing that the 
that in 1883 there were in the mainland Indian population has been increasing, 
of the United States, excluding Alaska, within recent years at least. See Gar- 
some few thousand less. These figures rick Mallery in Proceedings of the 
do not agree with the report of the Board American Association for the Advance- 
of Indian Commissioners that in 1876 ment of Science for 1877. 

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of other colonies, as in the case of the Pequot War and 
the Narragansett War ; but she sometimes refused to fol- 
low the other colonies in attacks on the natives. The 
troubles which culminated in King Philip's War seem to 
have been part of a spirit of unrest which prevailed 
throughout the settled portions of North America, in 
Virginia and Maryland as well as in New England. In 
later times the attacks of the French Canadians and their 
savage allies made life in the frontier New England towns 
extremely insecure, but the Indian policy of the English 
colonies had nothing whatever to do with inciting those 

The political problem which confronted the fathers of 
Massachusetts when they began to take account of stock, 
so to speak, was extremely difficult of solution. They 
had brought to Massachusetts two thousand colonists, and 
there were then in the colony not more than twelve mem- 
bers of the Massachusetts Bay Company — including all 
its officers. The governor, assistants, and freemen of the 
company possessed by grant from the king power to cor- 
rect, govern, punish, pardon, and rule all the king's sub- 
jects within the limits of their patent; in other words, 
not more than twelve gentlemen, with Winthrop at their 
head, possessed the legal right to govern two thousand of 
their fellow-subjects. They proceeded at once to the dis- 
charge of their new duties and before leaving the flag- 
ship voted that each one of the assistants should exercise 
the functions of an English justice of the peace, or 
magistrate. 1 It is true that there were no laws in exist- 
ence for him to administer, but that difficulty was easily 
overcome by his executing upon all delinquents the English 
common law or the laws of Moses, in both cases accord- 

1 Massachusetts Colony Records, 1, 74. 

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ing to his interpretation thereof. Most of these gentle- 
men had at one time or another exercised the office of 
magistracy in England, and what they proposed to do was 
to act in Massachusetts precisely as they would have acted 
in England, subject to the additional influence of the 
laws of Moses, on the one hand, and the American wilder- 
ness, on the other. The latter exception speedily proved 
to be very potent. In October of the year of landing 
one hundred and nine persons applied to the Great and 
General Court, as the supreme governing body was called, 
for admission to the freedom of the corporation. 1 The 
case was a difficult one to deal with, because if these 
persons were not admitted there might be a second 
exodus, this time toward the north, where Captain John 
Mason 2 and Sir Ferdinando Gorges possessed hundreds of 
square miles of ground clamoring for colonists, or to the 
south, where thousands of acres of New Plymouth Cojony 
were bare of settlers. The great mass of the Massachu- 
setts men had come to the colony because some leading 
person had migrated from their vicinity, or because they 
expected in the New World to better their worldly condi- 
tions. Winthrop and the principal men had crossed the 
ocean to found a state on the lines of the Old Testament, 
where the conduct of men and women should be regulated 
by the laws of God, and in which they should play the 
parts of Moses and Aaron. If they admitted ten times 
their own number to the Massachusetts Bay Company, 
that ideal would be endangered ; on the other hand, if they 
refused admission to strong, able men, these, with their 
followers, would desert Massachusetts for New Hampshire 

* October 19, 1630, Massachusetts * For Mason, see J. W. Dean's " Cap- 

Colony Records, i, 79. tain John Mason " in Prince Society's 


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or Maine or New Plymouth. In these circumstances they 
endeavored to steer a middle course, and, while admitting 
the claimants, to deprive them of power to do evil. This 
they hoped to accomplish by restricting the rights of the 
freemen merely to the election of the assistants and by 
keeping the number of the latter so small that it would 
include only the foremost men among them. 1 In doing 
this, they acted in plain violation of the charter ; but they 
would probably have justified their action on the ground 
that the freemen of the corporation for the purposes for 
which the corporation was established might exercise some 
discretion as to details. In fact, at a later day Winthrop 
referred to this and other extra-legal acts as " details," 
giving one the impression that in his opinion the main 
provisions of the charter had been observed. 

At the time that these new members were admitted, 
it was provided that in the future no persons should be 
admitted freemen who were not members of some of the 
churches within the colony,* in other words, who were 
not religiously in harmony with the existing members 
of the corporation. This remained the basis of the fran- 
chise in Massachusetts until after the Restoration. If 
the project of establishing a Bible Commonwealth was 
permissible, this was the best means which could be 
devised to carry out the scheme, since it placed the gov- 
ernment of the colony in the hands of those who were 
especially interested in the welfare of "the particular 
church " which they had come over to nourish. 

At first the assistants performed legislative functions 

1 See Massachusetts Colony Records, after be gathered without the approba- 

October 19, 1630, May 18, 1631. tion of the magistrates, and the greater 

* Vote of May 18, 1631. On March 3, part of the said [existing] churches, 

1635-36 it was further provided that no shall be admitted to the freedom of this 

member of ' ' any church which shall here- commonwealth. ' ' 

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without much regard to the requirements of the charter. 
There was a certain justification for so doing, because in 
the Great and General Court the consent of the governor 
or deputy governor and six assistants was necessary to 
the legal transaction of business, whereas in the Court of 
Assistants seven formed a quorum, and matters could be 
determined by majority vote. 1 As there were only seven 
or eight assistants on this side of the water, it would be 
necessary for them all to attend the meetings of the Great 
and General Court and vote with practical unanimity. 
Moreover, there were few freemen of the Massachusetts 
Bay Company in the colony who were not also assistants. 
The assistants passed laws and levied taxes, and, after 
the admission of the great mass of freemen in May, 1681, 
continued so to do. At a later time, an Attorney-general 
of England stated as his opinion that the Massachusetts 
Bay Company, by its charter, had no legal right to lay 
taxes on persons who were not members of the corpora- 
tion. 2 In the early days, however, not only the Great and 
General Court, but only one portion of it, undertook to 
tax every one in the colony, 8 according to his ability for 
the support of both civil and religious organizations. 4 
The first important protest against this policy came from 
Watertown, which had been settled by Sir Richard Salton- 
stall, George Phillips, a minister, and their companions. 
These gentlemen seem to have held religio-political views 
somewhat unlike those of most of the other settlers. 

1 See vote of March 8, 1690-31, in although only the names of seven per- 
Massachusetts Colony Records, I, 84. sons are given in the reoord as being 

• Doyle's Puritan Colonies, li, 278, present). 

from " Colonial Papers/' Ms. 1681, * In this connection it is well to bear 

May 30. in mind that in England and Virginia, as 

• See votes of assistants in Massa- well as in Massachusetts, religion was 
chusetts Colony Records, under date of supported by assessments, in the payment 
November 30, 1680, July 5, 1631, Octo- of which there was nothing voluntary, 
ber 1, 1633 (possibly a General Court, 

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Saltonstall soon returned to England, leaving members of 
his family behind. He later wrote to Winthrop, advocat- 
ing toleration somewhat after the Independent mode. 
Phillips appears to have been an out and out Independent, 
and was charged by those who did not like him with hav- 
ing the temerity to suggest that even Roman Catholics 
might have some justification for their beliefs. In 1632 
he thought that the time had come to protest against the 
action of the assistants. So he assembled his parishioners 
and secured the passage of a vote that " it was not safe to 
pay money after that sort for fear of bringing themselves 
and their posterity into bondage." Winthrop summoned 
the protestors before him and informed them that the 
board of assistants was after the nature of a parliament ; 
he added that the freemen of the corporation in their 
general meeting might object to acts of the assistants 
without fear of being called in question for so doing. 
The Watertown men apologized and departed, and were 
probably glad to get off so easily. 1 

There were two copies of the charter in Massachusetts : 
one of these was the original document with the great seal 
affixed ; the other was an exemplification, or attested copy, 
which had been given to Endicott for his information. 
Nevertheless, it is certain that, up to this time, the great 
body of freemen and the other colonists knew little or 
nothing of its provisions. In April, 1634, a committee of 
two freemen from each town waited upon the assistants 
and said that they would like to see the patent. 9 This 
request was inconvenient, but it was difficult to deny it. 
So the committee scanned the charter carefully and dis- 
covered that supreme power was lodged in the Great and 

* Winthrop's New England, I, 70 * Winthrop's New England, 1, 128. 

(February 17, 1632). 

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General Court, and not in the assistants. 1 The provision 
in this regard was somewhat peculiar, as it conferred 
powers of legislation and also of judicial and executive 
action upon the freemen, together with seven members of 
the board of assistants, of whom either the governor or 
the deputy governor must be one. In the charter the 
number of the assistants is given as eighteen in addition 
to the two executive officers. The intention of the 
framers of the patent evidently was to give to a minority 
of the assistants the power to veto the action of the free- 
men. The matter worked out very differently, however, 
because not more than twelve assistants were chosen in 
the early years. This provision, therefore, meant that the 
action of the freemen must receive the consent of a major- 
ity of the assistants, which was quite a different thing. 
Furthermore, the charter provided that four meetings of 
the Great and General Court should be held in each year. 
These various provisions, of course, were designed to meet 
the needs of a business corporation whose officers and 
stockholders lived in England and held their meetings in 
the city of London, although no such technical require- 
ment is in the charter. Its omission was probably due to 
the fact that those who drew up the patent took the New. 
England charter of 1620 as their model and omitted the 
statement of residence. The latter charter provided for a 
" Council established at Plymouth in the County of Devon 
for the planting, ruling, and ordering of New England in 
America "; the Massachusetts grant provided for the 
establishment of a corporation by the name of the 
"Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in 
New England." * There is otherwise little that is peculiar 

1 See these provisions of the charter s In the reign of Charles II two chief 

in MaasachusetU Colony Records, i f 11. justices gave as their opinion that this 

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tin the Massachusetts charter. The Virginia charter of 
1609 and the New England patent of 1620, for example, 
authorize the grantees through the proper officers "to 
correct, punish, pardon, govern, and rule " English subjects 
who shall inhabit in the colony and also on the voyage 
thither ; almost precisely the same words are used in the 
Massachusetts patent. In a similar way, each of these 
charters authorizes the grantees under it, through the 
proper officials, to « encounter, expulse, repel, and resist by 
force of arms, as well by sea as by land and all ways and 
means whatsoever " those who should attempt the destruc- 
tion, invasion, detriment, or annoyance of the said colony 
or colonists. Finally, each charter guaranteed to those 
inhabiting within the limits therein granted and to their 
posterity the liberties, franchises, and immunities of sub- 
jects of the English crown to all intents and purposes as if 
they had been born within the realm. Considering these 
likenesses, it is not going too far to suppose that the re- 
quirement of residence was omitted through inadvertence. 1 
The freemen of the corporation, 9 having discovered their 
power, proceeded to exercise it This they did by evolv- 
ing a representative system. As long as the freemen 
attended the court in a body, those living in and near 
Boston possessed great advantages. To give the freemen 
in general their rightful share of power, those living in the 
several towns deputed certain of their number to attend 
the General Court and represent them. Of course, these 
deputies were more in number than the assistants, and 
thus it was not necessary that the freemen should all 

phraseology actiiaUyi^irired the official * See Note m. 

residence of the corporation to be in New s There is an excellent article on 

England. Chalmers's Annals, 178 j Os- "Representation and Suffrage in Massa- 
good's Colonies, 1, 148. ehnsetts" by G. H. Haynes in Johns 

Hopkins UnivtrsUy 8tudUs, xli, Nos. 8, 9. 

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1681] THE FRANCHISE 847 

attend to outvote the officials. 1 At first the deputies seem 
to have conferred together outside of the General Court, in 
a species of convention or caucus, and then to have voted ' 
in the General Court as a body. Ultimately, however, 
these preliminary meetings were given up, and, as. a regu- 
lar thing, matters were debated freely in the General Court. 
In the beginning of such a system there was naturally a 
good deal of confusion, as, for example, the choosing of 
non-freemen 9 as deputies or a town sending more deputies 
than its size or importance entitled it to. These matters 
were remedied as they arose by means of fines. Soon the 
system was recognized by act of the General Court. One 
of the first things which the new deputies accomplished 
was to repeal the votes by which the power of the General 
Court had been restricted ; but the process by which the 
consent of the assistants to their loss of power was 
obtained is nowhere stated. From that time on, the 
constitutional history of Massachusetts is, to a great 
extent, a story of the defensive tactics adopted by the 
assistants to save what remained of their power. From 
being ruled by an oligarchy, Massachusetts came to be an 
aristocratic republic 8 substantially independent of Eng- 
land. For many years, the franchise was restricted to 
those members of approved churches whom the existing 
freemen were willing to admit to a share in their privi- 
leges. This was a somewhat peculiar mode of regulating 
the suffrage, for it must be remembered that only the 
freemen could vote for the governor, deputy governor, and 
assistants. It should also be said that the number of 

* On this general theme, tee Massa- * Massachusetts Colony Records, ii, 

chusetts Colony Records, i, 95, 116, 118, 06: " Our government is not a pure aris- 

and Winthrop'e New England, i, 76. tocracy, but mixed of an aristocracy and 

1 Massachusetts Colony Records, i, democracy in respect to the General 

174. Court." 

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freemen was not large, or, in other words, that the fran- 
chise in Massachusetts was confined to a comparatively 
small number of persons. Nevertheless, it may well be 
doubted if in any other way so thoroughly representative 
a body of voters could have been secured. The church 
members were, as a matter of fact, almost invariably the 
best men in their respective towns. The freemen of the 
Massachusetts Bay Company were the better men among 
the church members, and these sent to the General Court 
the more important of their number. Seldom in history 
has a more able representative body had so long a measure 
of life as the Massachusetts General Court. 

In studying this period, it must be borne in mind that 
the government of the Bay Colony was, as stated above, 
an aristocratic republic, that is to say a republic in which 
the franchise was strictly limited to the upper classes. 
John Winthrop was in no sense a popular man or one 
who had any confidence in what would nowadays be 
regarded as liberal government. He brought over to 
America the ideas of an English gentleman of that time, 
and his ideas changed very slowly after his arrival in 
America. We find him, for instance, speaking of the 
" commons," the " meaner sort," and the " people." In 
1638 he wrote to Thomas Hooker 1 of "the unwarrant- 
ableness ... of referring matters of counsel or judicature 
to the body of the people, quia the best part is always the 
least, and of that best part the wiser part is always the 

* lesser." In 1644 occurred one of the small revolutions 
which were not infrequent in early Massachusetts. Win- 
throp was deposed for a time and was charged, among 

, other things, with desiring the establishment of an arbi- 
trary government and with having acted despotically. 

1 Life and Letters of John Winthrop, ii, 237. 

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He defended himself successfully on the second charge and 
composed a treatise to show that the government of Mas- 
sachusetts was not an arbitrary government. This paper 
shows that he had a dread of a "meer democracy" but 
highly approved of " a mixt aristocracy." This latter was 
a form of government in which the people ruled through 
elected officers, who, being once chosen, were practically 
irresponsible, so long as they acted upon good motives. 
He contrasted the case of a magistrate and that of a 
carpenter ; the latter agreed to provide skill and faithful- 
ness, while the magistrate agreed to provide only faithful- 
ness and such ability as he might happen to possess. 1 

According to the charter, the officials were to be chosen 
by the freemen in the meetings of the General Court. 9 
Once a year, therefore, in Massachusetts was held what 
was termed a Court of Elections, at which, after 1684, the 
voting was by papers. At first the freemen attended this 
meeting in a body ; but this was soon found to be incon- 
venient, especially for those who lived in the frontier towns 
and were obliged to leave their families and friends to the 
mercy of the Indians, to abandon their daily tasks, and to 
journey to Boston, which was then a dangerous and time- 
consuming operation. The first step away from this sys- 
tem was to authorize the freemen of far-off towns to give 
their proxies to the deputies of their town. 8 From this 
beginning the system of proxy voting spread ; and from 
this again was evolved a true voting system, by which the 
freemen cast their votes in their respective towns, which 
were carried to Boston by the deputies and there counted. 

*8ee Wiothrop's "Little Speech" deputy governor in May, 1632. Win- 

delivered in 1645 in Winthrop's New throp's New England, i, 75. 
England, ii, 228. • See vote of March 3, 1635-36, in 

1 The " freemen " had resumed their MauachutetU Colony Record*, i, 166. 
right of election as to the governor and 

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The change from proxy voting to the modern system 
necessitated some kind of nominating machinery, so that 
the freemen of the several towns should exercise their 
choice as between certain persons, instead of voting with- 
out any guidance whatsoever, and thus often throwing 
away their votes on persons who could not by any possi- 
bility be elected. 1 After many experiments, what might 
be called a legislative caucus was evolved, by which the 
deputies from one General Court carried down to their 
towns the names of the persons to be voted for by the 
freemen, and then carried back the votes to the next 
General Court. With the development of proxy voting, 
there went hand in hand the extension of the secret bal- 
lot. It was in 1634 that the governor was voted for " by 
papers " for the first time. When the system of the free- 
men voting in the town for the general officers was 
adopted, those votes also came to be given by papers; 
and finally, the deputies themselves were balloted for. 

From what has already been said, it is clear that the 
Massachusetts Bay authorities were constantly violating 
the provisions of the charter under which they held their 
lands and exercised jurisdiction ; many of the laws which 
they passed were directly contrary to English laws, 
although the charter required that their legislation be 
"not contrary or repugnant" to the laws and statutes 
of England. 9 Furthermore, the magistrate administered 
the law and executed justice in many cases in a different 
way from that in which magistrates in England acted. 
The authorities must have known that by doing these 
things they were violating the charter, since Winthrop and 

* 8ee Trumbull's edition of Lechford's * Massachusetts Colony Records, i, 12. 

Plain Dealing, 58, for a description of 
an election. 

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Ludlow and others also had received legal educations. It 
was to this, probably, that many a high-handed deed was 
due. The rulers knew that their proceedings would not 
bear inspection in England. They either locked up or 
placed under bonds those who seemed likely to appeal 
from their decision to the courts of the mother country. 
When these expedients were unnecessary or undesirable, 
they banished from their midst those whom they regarded 
as unfit members of their " Bible Commonwealth." 

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I. Bibliography. — The Records of the Governor and Company of 
the Massachusetts Bay in New England (often cited as the " Colony 
Records ") and John Winthrop's History of New England together 
form a singularly complete official and semi-official history of the 
colony after its settlement As to the genesis of the enterprise, these 
records are disappointing ; Winthrop's History begins abruptly with 
the voyage, and the early entries in the " Records " do not convey 
much information on this theme. Robert C. Winthrop's two volumes 
entitled, Life and Letters of John Winthrop, throw some light on the 
motives which actuated the first governor. The Collections and the 
Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society contain a vast 
quantity of material on Massachusetts history. Among the mass of 
records and papers relating to the early history of Massachusetts 
the following deserve especial mention : the Reports of the Boston 
Record Commission, Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts and the 
accompanying volume of documents, Young's Chronicles of Massa- 
chusetts; the Cambridge Records, the Watertown Records, and Roger 
Clap's Memoirs of the settlement of Dorchester are among the prin- 
cipal sources for the history of a community whose official and 
unofficial records have been published more completely than those 
of any other people of equal importance. 

Of the secondary books, Palfrey's New England still holds the 
first place. Winsor's Memorial History of Boston is practically a 
history of Massachusetts, which is inadequately treated in his 
America; the two in combination give very complete bibliograph- 
ical information. Ellis's Puritan Age and Rule in the Colony of 
Massachusetts Bay contains the results of long-sustained research, 
but is very hard reading. C. F. Adams's Three Episodes of Massa- 
chusetts History is the result of prolonged study and is also interest- 
ing. The volume containing the course of "Lowell Lectures" 1 
which were delivered under the auspices of the Massachusetts His- 
torical Society contains several admirable studies. 

II. The Families of Clinton and Gorges. — The family of Clinton 
is said to take its rise from Renebaldus, who came to England in the 

1 Lectures delivered in a Course be- Society, on Subjects relating to the Early 
fore the Lowell Institute, in Boston, by History of Massachusetts : Boston, pub- 
Members of the Massachusetts Historical lished by the Society, 1869. 

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time of William the Conqueror. The children of Thomas Clinton, 
Earl of Lincoln, who died in 1618, were closely associated with the 
settlement of New England : — 

Thomas Clinton, Earl of Lincoln 

Theophilns fynes-Clinton, Frances, m. Arabella, m. Susan, m. 

Earl of Lincoln, m. John Gorges, son of Isaac Johnson John Humphrey 

(1) daughter of Lord Saye Sir Ferdinando Gorges Assistants of the Massa- 
and Sele, one of the most chussets Bay Co. 
noted Puritans and warmly 

interested in the settlement of New England, whose son, Nathaniel Fiennes, brother 
of the Countess of Lincoln, played a prominent part on the Parliamentary side; 

(2) Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Arthur Gorges and widow of Sir Robert Stanley. 

—J. Edmondson's Baronagium Qenealogicum, p. 100. 

III. Transfer of the Charter. — There has been abundant disputa- 
tion over the transfer of the government of the company from Eng- 
land to the colony. Enemies of Massachusetts have stigmatized it 
as an act of bad faith ; it has been defended on the ground that 
such was the intention of the original grantees. This latter conten- 
tion rests on the following passage in Winthrop's "Essay on 
Government " : — 

" The last clause is for the Governinge of the Inhabitants within 
the Plantation. For it beinge the manner for such as procured 
Patents for Virginia, Bermudas & the Weste Indies, to keepe the 
chiefe Governm! in the hands of the Company residinge in England 
(& so this was intended & with much difficulty we gott it abscinded) 
this clause is inserted in this & all other Patents wherby the Company 
in England might establish a Governm' & Officers here in any forme 
vsed in England, as Gov* & Counsell, Iustices of Peace, Maior, Baylyf s 
&c, & accordingly Mr. Endicott & others with him, were established 
a Gov! & CounceU heer, before the Governm? was transferred hither." l 

Doyle asserts that Winthrop, in this statement, was referring to 
the lack of any requirement as to the residence of the company. 
Judge Mellen Chamberlain,* on the other hand, contends that the 
statement refers to the subordinate governments which the charter 
designed to be established in Massachusetts Bay. For learned dis- 
cussions of the subject, see Joel Parker, in Massachusetts Historical 
Society's volume entitled " Lowell Lectures " (also printed separately 
as "The First Charter and the Early Religious Legislation of Mas- 

i Life and Letters of John Winthrop, « Massachusetts Historical Society's 

ii, 442. Proceedings, Second Series, viii, 109. 

VOL. I.— 2 A 

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sachusetts ") ; Charles Deane's " Forms used in Issuing Letters- 
Patents" in the same society's Proceedings, xi, 166 j and Judge 
Parker's reply in the last-named volume, p. 188. In the footnotes 
to these articles are copious references to the older authorities. See 
also Osgood's American Colonies, i, 143. 

IV. Title by Discovery and Indian Rights. — Chief Justice John 
Marshall gave the opinion of the Supreme Court of the United 
States in the case of Johnson and Graham's Lessee vs. William 
Mcintosh, in which the plaintiff's title was based on purchase from 
the Indians, the defendant's on a patent from the United States. To 
avoid conflicting settlements and consequent wars with each other, it 
was necessary, so Marshall declared, to establish a principle, which 
all colonizing nations should acknowledge as the law by which the 
right of acquisition, which they all asserted, should be regulated as 
between themselves. "This principle," says Marshall, "was that 
discovery gave title to the government by whose subjects, or by 
whose authority, it was made, against all other European govern- 
ments, which title might be consummated by possession. . . ." The 
original inhabitants " were admitted to be the rightful occupants of 
the soil, with a legal as well as just claim to retain possession of it, 
and to use it according to their own discretion ; but their rights to 
complete sovereignty as independent nations were necessarily dimin- 
ished, and their power to dispose of the soil at their own will, to 
whomsoever they pleased, was denied by the original fundamental 
principle that discovery gave exclusive title to those who made it" 

Marshall then makes a long historical examination of the practice 
of European nations, concluding with the purchase by the United 
States of Louisiana — a country almost entirely occupied by numerous 
tribes of Indians, who are in fact independent. He continues : " The 
United States, then, have unequivocally acceded to that great and 
broad rule by which its civilized inhabitants now hold this country. 
. . . They maintain, as all others have maintained, that discovery 
gave an exclusive right to extinguish the Indian title of occupancy 
either by purchase or by conquest. . . . All our institutions recognize 
the absolute title of the crown [in colonial days,] subject only to the 
Indian right of occupancy, and recognize the absolute title of the 
crown to extinguish that right. This is incompatible with an absolute 
and complete title in the Indians." See Wheaton's Reports, viii, 643. 
In a briefer form, the case may be found in Curtis's Decisions, 
v, 503. 

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V. Terms of the Massachusetts Patent. — The Massachusetts Bay 
Company held its land of the crown in free and common socage as 
of the manor of East Greenwich in the County of Kent, paying one 
fifth of the ores of gold and silver found within the limits of their 
grant. The fact that they held their land as of the manor of East 
Greenwich means that they were entitled to free alienation of the 
soil, to devise it by will, and in case of intestate succession, to have 
it descend equally to the sons, and, if there were none, to the 
daughters, — as primogeniture did not prevail in that county. See 
article by Joel Parker in Massachusetts Historical Society's Proceed- 
ings, xiii, p. 114, and G. F. Hoar's paper on the " Obligations of New 
England to the County of Kent " in American Antiquarian Society's 
Proceedings, April, 1885. 

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Among the host of immigrants who sought the shores 
of New England, there were many persons who did not 
approve of the doings of those in high station at Plymouth 
and Boston, and also many persons whose opinions the 
magistrates of New Plymouth Colony and of Massachu- 
setts Bay severely reprobated. In each case, the ultimate 
question at issue was whether the ideas of the dissentient 
minority or those of the representatives of the majority 
should prevail, for it must constantly be borne in mind 
that the magistrates, both at Plymouth and at Boston, 
represented the public opinion of their respective settle- 
ments, or they could not have maintained themselves in 
power in those frontier villages. There was no middle 
ground which men could occupy in the seventeenth 
century; it was a time of strong opinions, tenaciously 
held: either Thomas Morton must be permitted to fur- 
nish the Indians with firearms, or he must seek another 
sphere of activity ; either Anne HutchinsoR must be per- 
mitted to stigmatize the ministers, or she must leave the 
colony. In each and every case the victory was with 
those leaders under whose guidance the colonies had been 
founded. It was the natural outcome, for law and might 
were on the side of the constituted authorities. At great 
expense of treasure and cruel loss of life the beginnings 
of these colonies had been successfully made ; but the diffi- 
culties were still great and the outcome was still dubious. 


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Under the circumstances, it was imperative that the 
leaders should be supported. In studying a controversial 
matter like the present, it is well to remember that the 
men of Plymouth and Massachusetts, the leaders as well 
as the plain people, were seventeenth-century English men 
and women, possessing the same prejudices and the same 
failings as their brothers and sisters whom they had left 
behind in the old land. They possessed, not merely the 
great qualities which marked the race in the days of 
Shakespeare and Milton, of Sir Philip Sidney and Oliver 
Cromwell, they also possessed the defects of that race 
and age. 

The earliest exclusions and cases of religious discipline in 
New England occurred at Plymouth, possibly because that 
colony was the first New England settlement in which 
" religious persecution " could arise. It was on Christmas 
morning, in the year 1621, that Governor Bradford sum- 
moned the workers about him and prepared to go forth 
to the day's labor as usual. Of those who had recently 
come over in the Forttme, several held back, saying that 
their consciences would not permit them to labor on that 
day. So Bradford left them and went his way. Return- 
ing at noon, he found the conscience-stricken workingmen 
playing at bowls. He took the balls from them and 
sternly ordered them to seek their habitations because 
his conscience forbade his permitting games on that day, 
for to him Christmas was not a holiday. The consciences 
of the New England rulers, indeed, have been too little 
regarded, and the consciences of their victims too much 
respected. In the case of William Bradford, his ideas of 
right and wrong compelled him to regulate the conduct of 
Christmas revelers, and also to incur the wrath of John 
Lyford and Roger Williams. 

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John Lyford had been sent across the Atlantic by his 
friends, either to get rid of him, or, perchance, in the futile 
hope that life in the western wilderness might instill into 
him a modicum of virtue and a grain of self-respect. 
Arriving at Plymouth, he cringed before Bradford, shed 
tears, and joined the Pilgrim church, — after making due 
acknowledgment of his former irregular religious walking. 
Presently, however, he became a center of disaffection, and 
Bradford relates that, at length, " it grew to this issue that 
Lyford with his complices . . . withdrew themselves and 
set up a public meeting apart on the Lord's day," where 
Lyford ministered the sacraments according to the rites 
of the Church of England. Suspecting that Lyford was 
sending information to the home authorities, Bradford 
boarded a ship which was sailing for England, read the 
letters written by Lyford and his friends, and sent 
on copies of them, carrying the originals ashore. So 
Lyford was banished from Plymouth. For a time he 
lived at Nantasket and later at Cape Ann, and lastly in 
Virginia, where he speedily died. 

The man who gave most trouble to the early governors 
was Thomas Morton, Gent., 1 as he wrote himself, or, as 
his enemies dubbed him, that "pettifogger of Lincoln's, 
sometimes Clifford's, Inn." He was a man of some learn- 
ing, of equal wit, and of an exceedingly jovial disposition. 
The wilderness appealed strongly to him, and he doubtless 
saw a chance of profit in the fur trade. Coming to New 
England in 1625, he soon cut loose from respectability. 
He set up a maypole on Merrymount as he called it, or 
Mount Dagon as Bradford termed it, which is now known 
as Mount Wollaston, in the present town of Quincy. At 
this place he gathered around him "all the scum of the 

1 On the Morton incident, see Adams's Three Episodes, 1, 198-208. 

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country," to use the Pilgrim Governor Bradford's phrase, 
and acted the part of " Mine Host," with beer and brandy, 
to all who would come, — all of which doings were alien to 
the general atmosphere of the New English Canaan, as the 
Merrymount " Lord of Misrule " christened the Puritan 
settlements. The Pilgrims disliked rival fur traders who 
interfered with their own dealings with the Indians, and 
usually paid more than was necessary for the furs. But 
it was not until Morton's establishment became the center 
of a lively traffic with the natives in gunpowder and fire- 
arms that the Pilgrims did more than remonstrate. Then 
they reminded him of a royal proclamation against selling 
European weapons to the Indians. The "pettifogger of 
Lincoln's Inn " answered that the king's proclamation was 
not law, and advised the Plymouth people to look well to 
themselves, if they came to molest him. The further con- 
duct of the business was intrusted to Captain Standish, 
who was an adept in the art of looking out for himself, 
— but the episode ended less bloodily than most of that 
valorous person's exploits. After some preliminaries, in 
which Morton outwitted Standish, the Pilgrim leader 
seized his prey by the coat collar, marched him to the 
water's side, and took him to Plymouth. The Pilgrims 
banished him to England ; but before long he was back 
again at Merrymount with more beer and brandy, the 
same jovial temper, and the same lack of discretion. 

Merrymount and its neighborhood now passed into the 
hands of the Massachusetts Bay Company. Soon John 
Endicott, its agent on the coast, visited Merrymount, hewed 
down the maypole, and advised the remnant of Morton's 
men "to look well that there be better walking." This 
well-meant and sage advice fell on deaf ears, and Morton, 
on his return, not merely resumed his old habits but re- 

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fused to respect the fur-trading regulations of the Massa- 
chusetts Bay Company. Thereupon Endicott again visited 
Merrymount. This time he went armed with an attested 
copy of the Massachusetts charter, which was carried in a 
long tin box. Morton avers that he thought the box con- 
tained some musical instrument. He fled to the woods, 
and Endicott returned empty-handed home. 

By August, 1630, the Massachusetts Bay Company was 
sufficiently well established in the colony to deal with 
interlopers and undesirable persons — under both of which 
descriptions was Thomas Morton. He was captured, set in 
the bilboes, his goods were confiscated, and he, himself, was 
deported to England. Obdurate to the ship's side, he had 
to be hoisted aboard with a tackle. As he passed down 
the harbor, the torch was applied to his beloved hut at 
Merrymount, — possibly as an argument against another 

In England, Morton carried his complaints to Sir Ferdi- 
nando Gorges and William Laud. From the latter he 
secured a promise as to "the cropping of Mr. Winthrop's 
ears," 1 which statement came under the eyes of that 
gentleman. He also published a book entitled The New 
English Gcmaom. This work gives us the first gleam of 
that peculiar humor which now seems indigenous to the 
American soil. The humor was not so apparent to " King 
Winthrop " or to John Endicott, who is described as " the 
great swelling fellow of Littleworth." Years afterward 
Thomas Morton, an impotent old man, revisited the scenes 
of his early hilarity; but he was so poor that "he was 
content to drink water." He of Littleworth sat in the 
governor's seat. After a year's imprisonment, Morton was 
fined one hundred pounds and set at liberty to seek the 

1 Morton to Jeffreys in Hutchinson's Massachusetts, i, 31 note. 

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wherewithal to satisfy the demands of Massachusetts 
justice. Two years later, "old and crazy," he died at 
York, Maine. 

The most picturesque of the early exiles from Massa- 
chusetts Bay was Sir Christopher Gardiner, Knight of the 
Holy Sepulchre or of the Order of the Golden Melice, — 
which, is not certain. It is clear, however, that he was a 
knight of one kind or another ; but who he was, or whence 
he came, no one knows. He suddenly appeared in New 
England, led an exciting existence for a few months, and 
then dropped out of sight. 1 He reached Massachusetts 
Bay a few weeks before John Winthrop and on the banks 
of the Neponset River built him a hut. There he resided 
with two servants and a "comely young woman," who 
was said to be his cousin. Suddenly there came inquiries 
from a woman whom Sir Christopher had abandoned in 
Paris and from another whom he had deserted in London ; 
each claiming to be his wedded wife. Whatever the truth 
of the matter was, Sir Christopher Gardiner was clearly 
an undesirable inhabitant of a Bible Commonwealth. He 
eluded arrest and escaped to the woods. The comely 
young woman, however, was easily captured and the 
authorities meditated sending her "to the two wives in 
Old England," but her good looks saved her. In 1681 she 
married a settler of Maine, where she died quietly in 1656. 

The Indians came upon Sir Christopher as he was 
slowly working his way toward the Dutch settlements in 
New Netherland and bore the Knight of the Holy Sepul- 
chre in triumph to Plymouth, whence he was taken to 
Boston. Soon letters arrived addressed to Sir Christopher 
Gardiner in care of Governor Winthrop. The Massachu- 

1 Charles Francis Adams has treated Historical Society's Proceedings, xx, 60, 
this chapter of Massachusetts history and in his Three Eptiodes, i, 260. 
very fully and fairly in the Massachusetts 

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setts magistrate opened the letters and discovered that 
the much-married knight was an agent of Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges. He was later allowed to sail for England and de- 
parted, professing himself to be under " much engagement 
for the great courtesy " which he had received in Massa- 
chusetts. When he reached England, however, he gave to 
Gorges and Laud valuable evidence as to the irregular, not 
to say illegal, proceedings of the Massachusetts authorities. 
In point of fact, one of the few blunders which those 
astute magistrates committed was the neglect to secure 
Sir Christopher's personal attendance in the colony. 

Of the exiles from Massachusetts in the first ten years 
of her history, three stand forth as peculiarly interesting : 
Roger Williams, Anne Hutchinson, and Robert Child. 
The first of these 1 was a youthful parson of engaging 
manners and conversation whose religious convictions 
prevented preferment in England. 9 Winthrop noted his 
coming as that of " a godly minister." John Wilson, the 
pastor of the Boston church, was about to return to Eng- 
land on the first of several attempts to induce Mrs. Wilson 
to brave the terrors of the Atlantic voyage. It was pro- 
posed that Williams should occupy the vacant pulpit in 
Wilson's absence ; but this invitation Williams refused 
because in his own words he " durst not officiate to an 
unseparated people." 8 In this declaration may be seen 
the fundamental difference which divided Williams from 
the settlers of the Bay Colony ; he was a Separatist who 

1 See Note I. letters show that Williams was as un- 

9 On Williams's parentage and early settled in love as Bradford says he was 

career, see Henry P. Waters in New Eng- in judgment; and that he was as dis- 

land Historical and Genealogical Regis- respectful to a lady much older than 

ter, xliii, 291-301. Two carious letters himself as he was to the Plymouth 

from Williams in 1629 are calendared in governor. 

Royal Historical Manuscripts Commis- • Narragansett Club's Publication*, 

sion's Reports, vii, Appendix, 546 a, and li, Preface, 2; Massachusetts Historical 

in full in New England Historical and Society's Proceedings, 1871, 338. 
Genealogical Register t xliii, 315. These 

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believed the Established Church to be sinful ; to his mind 
the Establishment was an anomaly ; the state had no 
right to say to a man, " Go to the religious services pro- 
vided by the state or be punished." The founders of 
Massachusetts, on the other hand, were Nonconformists. 
On sailing from England they had issued a farewell ad- 
dress to their "brethren in and of the Church of Eng- 
land," l in which they termed it " their dear mother." 
From this position they very slowly drifted toward Pres- 
byterianism tempered with Independency. When, for in- 
stance, they formed the first church in Boston, Winthrop 
says that they used the imposition of hands only as a 
sign and not with any intent that Mr. Wilson should re- 
nounce the ministry he had received in England. It was 
their persistence in what he deemed to be an error that 
made it impossible for Roger Williams to work in har- 
mony with the Massachusetts founders, for he held that 
"a man ought not to pray with the unregenerate even 
though it be with his own wife or child." 

Ere long Roger Williams shook the dust of Massachu- 
setts from his shoes and sought a more fertile field at 
Plymouth. The Pilgrims, it will be remembered, were 
Independents who saw little that was sinful in the Church 
Establishment, but who were, on the other hand, outside 
its pale. At Plymouth, Williams earned his living by 
labor and trade and sometimes assisted the Pilgrim elders 
in a spiritual way. Bradford thought that he had " many 
precious parts, but [was] very unsettled in judgment." In 
no long time, however, the Plymouth governor tells us 
that Williams "began to fall into strange opinions, and 
from opinion to practice, which roused some controversy 

1 On this subject there is a good paper setts Historical Society's Proceedings, 
by Robert C. Winthrop in the Massachu- xyili, 289. 

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between the church and him and in the end some discon- 
tent on his part, by occasion whereof he left them some- 
what abruptly." Before his sudden departure, however, 
Williams found time to administer sharp admonitions 
and reproofs to Bradford, which tfee Pilgrim chronicler 
thought were somewhat lacking in truthfulness. Brad- 
ford's nature, however, bore little malice, and he wrote 
that Williams " is to be pitied and prayed for, and so I 
shall leave the matter, and desire the Lord to show him 
his errors, and reduce him into the way of truth, and give 
him a settled judgment and constancy in the same ; for I 
hope he belongs to the Lord," * which, nevertheless, seemed 
still uncertain to Bradford, the "sharpest admonitions," 
perchance, even then rankling in his soul. 

Returning to Massachusetts, Williams ministered to the 
Salem church, which was more radical than the other 
churches in the new colony. Soon it began to be whis- 
pered about that in his spare moments at Plymouth he 
had written a treatise on land titles. In this essay he 
was said to have charged King James with telling "a 
solemn public lie " and to have been guilty of blasphemy, 
while Charles I was described in even worse phrase, for to 
him Williams said certain passages in Revelation 2 were 
applicable. As for the colonists of New England, they 
lived "under a sin of usurpation of others' [the natives'] 
possessions." 8 This extraordinary language alarmed and 
angered the magistrates, especially as the people of Plym- 
outh and Massachusetts had taken every care to com- 
pensate the aboriginal occupiers of the land. They called 

1 Deane's Bradford, 310. • Williams's position is carefully ez- 

9 These passages were xvi, 13-14 ; amined by Charles Deane in Massachu- 

xvii, 12-13; and xviii, 9, or perhaps 19, setts Historical Society's Proceedings 

which the reader can peruse for himself, for 1873, pp. 341-358. 
if he so chooses. 

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Williams to them, and after some correspondence "he 
appeared penitently and gave satisfaction of his intention 
and loyalty. So it was left and nothing done in it" 1 
Soon after Williams acknowledged the righteousness of 
the colony's title by purchasing for himself land and a 
house at Salem. 

From this inauspicious beginning matters went from 
bad to worse. It is surmised, but not proved, that Wil- 
liams incited Endicott to deface the red cross of St. 
George in the ensign under which the trained band of 
Salem paraded, because it savored of idolatry. 2 This ac- 
tion troubled the other colonists, because it seemed to 
imply that the Salem people were more sensitive against 
idolatry than were the rest of the settlers. Ih December, 
1634, Winthrop writes that Williams had "broken his 
promise to us, in teaching publicly against the king's 
patent, and our great sin in claiming right thereby to this 
country, &c. and for usually terming the churches of Eng- 
land anti-Christian. We granted a summons to him for 
his appearance at the next court." 8 Events now marched 
rapidly on. 

The success of the Massachusetts settlement had at- 
tracted to that colony men of all sorts and conditions. 
Some persons came because wages were high ; others 
crossed the Atlantic to seek the " mines " which were sup- 
posed to dot the American soil ; and not a few, perhaps, 
like the Rev. George Burdet, 4 mistook Massachusetts for 
that promised land where " there was little law and less 

i Winthrop's New England, i, 122. captain utterly abandons it." As the 

* In a letter in Calendars of State flag was a white banner with a red cross 

Papers, America and West Indies, 1574- in the middle, it is hard to see what 

1660, p. 194, J. Cudworth states that was left except a white sheet after they 

" • the people of Salem have cut out the had cut out the cross, 
cross in the flag or antient that they * Winthrop's New England, i, 151. 

carry before them.' Gapt. Endicott their * Adams's Three Episodes, i, 310. 

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conscience and not too much of either." To sift the goats 
from the sheep, the magistrates prepared an oath of fidelity 
which might be tendered to any person in the colony. 1 
Williams now interfered. He had not been able to com- 
mune with the Boston people because they were unrepent- 
ant ; in a similar way, it was sinful for a magistrate, who 
was presumably regenerate, by offering the oath of fidelity 
to commune with a stray settler who was unregenerate, — 
for to Williams's mind to offer an oath was an action of 
God's worship and it was blasphemy to commune with 
those who were not regenerate. 9 His protests aroused so 
much excitement that the magistrates were obliged to 
withdraw the oath. Another point which Williams made 
was that "the magistrate ought not to punish for the 
breach of the first table except when the civil peace 
should be endangered." The first table included idolatry, 
perjury, blasphemy, and sabbath-breaking; 8 but probably 
Williams meant only that the civil authorities could not 
compel attendance at the prescribed religious services. 
With his Separatist proclivities, he naturally objected to 
any state enforcement of religious observances, although 
the obligation to attend public service was then the rule 
in England and Virginia as well as in Massachusetts. 
Williams may have had in mind Robert Browne's defini- 
tion of the magistrates' authority that it concerned the 
outward provision of the Church and outward justice, 
" but to compel religion, to plant churches by power, and 
to force a submission to ecclesiastical government by laws 
and penalties belongeth not to them." 4 For the present, 
however, the General Court forebore to take action, desir- 
ing with Bradford, perhaps, that " the Lord [would] show 

i Massachusetts Colony Records, i, • Palfrey's New England, i, 407. 

115, 117. < Works of Robert Browne quoted in 

* Winthrop's New England, i, 158. Dexter's Congregationalism, 101, 105. 

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him [Williams] his errors and reduce him into the way of 
truth." It fell out quite otherwise. 

In disposing of its great domain the Massachusetts Bay 
Company granted lands to bodies of settlers who founded 
towns and churches in harmony with the religious aspira- 
tions of the rulers. At about this time the people of Salem, 
which had been settled before the Great Emigration, 
asked for an enlargement of the bounds of their town. 
Under ordinary circumstances, the General Court would 
have acceded to this request ; but the support which the 
Salem people had given to Mr. Williams, in view of his 
opposition to the action of the constituted authorities 
caused them to pause. This hesitation made it evident 
that Williams's congregation must choose between him and 
the Massachusetts Bay Company ; they, very naturally, 
abandoned Williams. Upon this he resigned his pastorate 
in a passionate and disrespectful letter in which he termed 
the Massachusetts churches " ulcered and gangrened " and 
their ministers " false and hirelings." The issue was now 
joined, — either Williams must go or the founders of Mas- 
sachusetts must abandon their experiment. As they were 
the stronger, it was Williams who went. In these dis- 
putes, for the most part, Williams held to the ideas of the 
more radical Independents ; he believed in the absolute 
separation of church and state. The Massachusetts leaders, 
on the other hand, believed that religion should guide and 
control all human affairs. Despite the incompatibility 
of ideas, however, Williams would probably have been 
allowed to remain had he not enforced his opinions with 
so much vigor and persistency. 1 

* Personal animosity had little if Massachusetts churches " as full of anti- 

any share in bringing about Williams's Christian pollution " (see Savage's Win- 

removal, which is the more remark- ihrop, i, 171 ; Knowles's Roger Williams, 

able because he had denounced the 78 ; Dexter *s As to Roger Williams, 50). 

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It was the autumn of 1635, when this decision to send 
Williams away was reached. He was given six weeks in 
which to set his affairs in order, and this period of respite 
was lengthened into months on account of his illness. 
Winthrop understood that, in return for this accommo- 
dation, Williams would refrain from attacking the magis- 
trates ; but it was not in him to keep silent. So they 
decided to ship him off to England. He eluded arrest, 
and, taking to the woods, passed the winter with his 
Indian friends. In the spring of 1686 he appeared within 
the limits of New Plymouth Colony and was requested to 
move on. The most noticeable thing about Williams's 
going is the smallness of his following ; he seems to have 
made no steadfast friends at Salem. Far otherwise was 
it with Mistress Anne Hutchinson ; her departure deprived 
Boston of a large part of its most earnest and substantial 

" Of a haughty and fierce carriage, of a nimble wit and 
active spirit, and a very voluble tongue," Mrs. Hutchinson, 
according to John Winthrop, was " more bold than a man, 
though in understanding and judgment inferior to many 
women." l Her husband, on the other hand, commended 
himself to the generally genial governor as a " peaceable 
man of good estate." John Winthrop hated Anne Hutch- 

John Haynes, soon to become one of bore, that as I freely subject myself to 

the founders of Connecticut, was gov- common consent, and shall not bring in 

ernor at the time and pronounced the any person into the town without their 

sentence of banishment. Professor Di- consent, so also that without my consent, 

man's exposition of the reasons for no person be violently brought in and 

Williams's expulsion is remarkably received." This setting himself on one 

clear (Preface to Narragansett Club's side and the remainder of the community 

Publications, vol. ii). Williams always on the other was typical of Williams; it 

maintained friendly relations with John led to his banishment from Massachu- 

Winthrop and his son, for many years setts and it gave rise to bitter contro- 

governor of Connecticut. In 1636 or 1687 versies in Providence. 
(Dorr's Providence Proprietor$ t 4) Wil- i Winthrop in " Welde's Short 8tory " 

Uams asked the elder Winthrop ' ' whether in Adams's Antinomianitm, 158. 
I may not lawfully desire this of my neigh- 

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inson as he hated no other person who comes to us through 
his pages ; his description of her, therefore, savors of preju- 
dice ; but she was a dangerous person to be at large in a 
Bible Commonwealth. Living nowadays, she would easily 
find a niche among the women radicals of the day; she 
would found another Brook Farm on original lines ; or she 
would start a woman's club to discuss the religion of the 
Hindoos. As the case stood at Boston in her time, the only 
thing which she could do was to discuss topics more or 
less closely connected with theology. No morning paper 
then brought to the villager the scandals of the neighbor- 
hood ; no theater stimulated his barren existence ; no tele- 
graph or cable connected that frontier hamlet with other 
towns or lands. There was nothing to live for, save love, 
work, and religion; apart from the actual bread-getting 
and love-making, everything assumed a religious aspect. 
Politics and religion were then so closely interwoven that 
neither the participants nor ourselves can disentangle them ; 
while the ministers' utterances and the gossip of chance 
visitors took the place of the modern novel, theater, and 
newspaper. 1 

The Hutchinsons belonged to the social upper rank and 
lived in a large and commodious house nearly opposite 
that occupied by Mr. Winthrop. Mrs. Hutchinson speedily 
became popular; she nursed the women in their illnesses 
and sympathized with them in their distresses. They fell 
into the habit of assembling in her house to listen to her 
repetition of the minister's sermons and to share the good 
things which she set before them. From repeating, she 
went on to explaining ; from explaining, she proceeded to 
criticising, and her comments were in no long time con- 

1 Henry M. Dexter (As to Roger Williams, 106-108) gives an admirable com- 

tol. i. — 2 b 

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veyed to the ears of those whom she criticised. The Boston 
church at that time rejoiced in two ministers: John Wilson 
and John Cotton. Cotton was the older of the two and 
the greater man ; but his tardy migration to the colony 
found the first place occupied by Wilson. That worthy 
speedily recognized in Anne Hutchinson a dangerous 
visionary ; on her part, she regarded Wilson as a coarse- 
grained, narrow man. He became so distasteful to her 
that she habitually left her pew and walked out of the 
meeting-house when he began to preach. At about this 
time John Wheelwright l landed at Boston. It was sug- 
gested that he should be invited to join Wilson and Cotton 
as a third minister. Winthrop said, however, that as they 
had just rid themselves of one firebrand in the person of 
Roger Williams, they would better wait awhile and see 
what sort of a man Wheelwright was before they gave 
him permanent employment. It is possible that Winthrop 
may have been cognizant of the fact that Wheelwright had 
been dismissed from the Church of England for the eccle- 
siastical crime of simony ; but he did not make any such 
allegation at the time. 

Two other persons now became prominent in the colony : 
Henry Vane * and Hugh Peters. 8 The latter was a popular 
preacher of the militant type and later became chaplain 
to General Sir Thomas Fairfax. At a later time Henry 
Vane was described by Milton as " young in years, in sage 
counsel, old." The sage counsel had not yet come to him 
when he landed in Massachusetts, and he always possessed 

* On Wheelwright, see an article by ography ; Felt's Memoir and Defence ; 
E. M. Wheelwright in Colonial Society's Massachusetts Historical Society's Col- 
Transactions, i, 271. lections, Fourth Series, vi and vii ; Essex 

* See Hosmer's Sir Henry Vane and Institute's Collections, zxxviii ; Royal 
the article in the Dictionary of National Historical Manuscripts Commission's 
Biography, Reports, vii, 115. Farther references 

•On Hugh Peter, or Peters, see C. are given in Boase and Courtney's Biblio- 
H. Firth in Dictionary of National Bi- theca ComubUnsis, i, 465, and iii, 1310. 

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1636] HENRY VANE 371 

a certain sophomoric freshness which would have been 
ludicrous had it not been pitiable. Anxious to show honor 
to Vane's father, who was a Secretary of State, the Massa- 
chusetts freemen elected the young man governor, with 
Winthrop as a sort of balance wheel, in the guise of deputy 
governor. Vane's mind ran to politics and was as untram- 
meled by authority and precedent in its sphere as Mrs. 
Hutchinson's was in religious matters. The two radical re- 
formers felt a natural affinity for one another and joined 
in an eager and fierce attack on the established order of 
things. They soon converted to their side most of the 
members of the Boston church; Winthrop and Wilson 
stood almost alone. 

Mrs. Hutchinson meanwhile had evolved a religious sys- 
tem of her own. Possibly she understood it, but certainly 
few modern students comprehend it in its entirety. Win- 
throp, indeed, wrote that there was little difference be- 
tween her doctrines and those generally accepted in the 
colony. Two things, however, were perfectly clear then 
and are perfectly clear now. The first of these was that 
Mistress Anne Hutchinson became convinced that she was 
enlightened from above. She was equally clear that John 
Cotton and John Wheelwright were of the elect; they 
labored under a covenant of grace and were certain of 
eternal salvation. As to the other ministers, she was 
doubtful at first, but ultimately reached the conclusion 
that they labored under a covenant of works ; the light 
had gone from them — if they had ever enjoyed it. Now 
it happened that no idea was more abhorrent to English 
Nonconformists than the notion of self-illumination ; to 
them the word of God as contained in the Scripture was 
the final record of the divine message to man. The con- 
ception that any man — much less any woman — should 

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pretend to be inspired by the Almighty was not to be held 
for one instant. Moreover, the ministers of the colony 
could scarcely be expected to agree with this seventeenth- 
century transcendentalist as to their own spiritual condi- 
tion. Winthrop and Wilson, Peters and Shepard — the 
last the minister at Cambridge — were not the men to 
stand idly by in such an emergency. They lost no oppor- 
tunity to cast a reproach on Mrs. Hutchinson and her fol- 
lowers. 1 What they said and what they did can only be 
surmised, but the result of their efforts is fully recorded. 

In the spring of 1637 the Court of Elections was held at 
Newtowne, which was soon to be called Cambridge. It 
was the end of May, the day was bright and warm, and 
the meeting was held in the open air. Climbing into a 
convenient oak, Wilson harangued the freemen with vigor 
and eloquence. The old leaders were triumphant; Win- 
throp was chosen governor with Thomas Dudley as 
deputy, and the Hutchinsonians were left out of the magis- 
tracy altogether. To guard against future dangers from 
unrestricted immigration, the General Court at its next 
meeting provided that no town or person should entertain 
any stranger above three weeks or assign land to a new- 
comer, except with the license of one or more of the magis- 
trates. 8 Similar regulations are sometimes found in the 
records of English towns and parishes, and the statute law 
of England operated to prevent change of residence. In 
Massachusetts, the towns acted as agents of the company 
in the distribution of land. It did not seem unreasonable 
to the owners of the undivided tract that the consent of 
one of the chosen directors of the company should give 

1 Abner C. Goodell (Colonial Society's heresy that sanctiflcation was no eyi- 
Transactions, i, 183) states that the rock dence of justification.' ' 
of Anne Hutchinson's offending was " the * Massachusetts Colony Reoords, i, 


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the corporation's assent to any allotment of land or to 
the acceptance of any newcomer within the limits of the 
patent. These proceedings greatly angered Harry Vane ; 
in August, 1637, he sailed for England, to prove as prickly 
a thorn in the flesh of Oliver Cromwell as he had been in 
that of John Winthrop. His departure greatly facilitated 
the casting out of Mrs. Hutchinson and such of her follow- 
ers as did not repent in time. Among the first to recover 
from the spell of her wit and volubility was John Cotton, 
upon whose brow the Hutchinsonian crown of grace had 
not rested easily. He and John Davenport, then on his 
way to the founding of New Haven, dominated at a synod 
which was held at Newtowne in September of that year, 
at which ninety-one opinions or expressions were de- 
nounced as blasphemous or unwholesome. 1 Throughout 
the summer there had been great excitement and much 
discussion, and the anti-Hutchinson party proved to be in 
the ascendant in the General Court which met in Novem- 
ber. Mrs. Hutchinson and her friends refused to yield, and 
it was determined to send away some of the more promi- 
nent of them. 

Among those to be dealt with was Mrs. Hutchinson. 
The way in which this was done shows at once the pecul- 
iar organization of the colony, and the closeness with 
which Winthrop followed English precedents in conduct- 
ing judicial proceedings. The Great and General Court 
of Massachusetts was the highest authority in the colony, 
not merely in legislative matters, but in judicial affairs 
as well. At this time the deputies and the assistants 
still sat together as one body, presided over by the gov- 
ernor. It was this body, with Winthrop at its head, which 
came together to consider what should be done with Mrs. 

* Adams's Antinomianim, 95-130. 

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Hutijhinson. The proceedings which followed have been 
misnamed a trial ; they were, rather, in the nature of a 
public examination to exhibit to the deputies the reasons 
for the condemnation of Mrs. Hutchinson. The General 
Court, therefore, was in somewhat the same position, as 
regarded that person, as was the Privy Council in England 
in some of the most noted inquiries whiph have also been 
miscalled trials. At these proceedings, the person under 
examination had no counsel to aid him, while the govern- 
ment was often represented by two, and sometimes by 
more, of the most famous lawyers in the land. The 
prisoners frequently had no idea of what was charged 
against them ; and the confessions of other persons, un- 
sworn to, and sometimes only in unattested copies, were 
used as evidence, and the right of cross-examination was 
denied to the prisoner. In one case the accused asked in 
vain to have the statute defining treason read to the jury, 
for this was a trial in the court of King's Bench ; and 
when the jury returned a verdict of not guilty, they were 
imprisoned and fined. The language used toward the 
prisoners under examination was often most outrageous; 
Sir Edward Coke, for example, had called Ralegh to his 
face " the most vile ,and execrable traitor that ever lived " 
and had declared that there "never lived a viler viper 
upon the face of the earth." The demeanor of John Win- 
throp and his principal assistants in Cambridge would 
have distressed, by its mildness, Sir Edward Coke or Sir 
Francis Bacon. 

The examination of Mrs. Hutchinson proceeded with 
slowness, and the case against her seemed to be on the 
point of breaking down, when her " voluble tongue " came 
to the magistrates' aid. She gave to the assembly a long 
history of her spiritual growth, which was due, so she 

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said, to revelations from God. 1 " How do you know that 
it is God that did reveal these things to you, and not 
Satan ? " inquired crafty Elder Nowell. " How did Abra- 
ham know that it was God that bid him offer his son ? " 
demanded Mrs. Hutchinson. "By an immediate voice," 
said Thomas Dudley, the deputy governor. "So to me 
by an immediate revelation," declared the seventeenth- 
century prophetess. Now the deputies were plainly satis- 
fied. The proceedings ran rapidly to their finish, which is 
thus recorded : — 

" Governor Winthrop. The Court hath already declared them- 
selves satisfied concerning the things you hear, and concerning the 
troublesomeness of her spirit, and the danger of her course amongst 
us, which is not to be suffered. Therefore if it be the mind of the 
Court that Mrs. Hutchinson, for these things that appear before us, 
is unfit for our society, — and if it be the mind of the Court that she 
shall be banished out of our liberties and imprisoned till she be sent 
away, let them hold up their hands. 

" All but three held up their hands. 

" Those that are contrary minded hold up yours. 

" Mr. Coddington and Mr. Colburn only. 

" Mr. Jeknison. I cannot hold up my hand one way or the other, 
and I shall give my reason if the Court require it 

" Governor Winthrop. Mrs. Hutchinson, you hear the sentence 
of the Court. It is that you are banished from out our jurisdiction 
as being a woman not fit for our society.. And you are to be impris- 
oned till the Court send you away. 

" Mrs. Hutchinson. I desire to know wherefore I am banished. 

" Governor Winthrop. Say no more. The Court knows where- 
fore, and is satisfied." 

A few days later Mrs. Hutchinson's followers were 
dealt with. Six were fined, others were disfranchised, and 
some were disarmed. 

One thing was still left to do, and that was to deal 

* Adams gives an eclectic speech of Mrs. Hutchinson in his Three Episodes, 
I, 499-402. 

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with Mrs. Hutchinson in " a church way " or, in plain lan- 
guage, to excommunicate her. Ample time was given her 
for reflection and for conference with the ministers. 
Finally (March, 1638) she was brought before the Boston 
church — her own church. Wilson presided at the meet- 
ing, and he was ably seconded by John Davenport and 
Thomas Shepard. Weary and ill, Mrs. Hutchinson gave 
herself out as converted from the error of her ways. She 
recanted her " gross and fundamental errors," saying that 
they had arisen from " the height and pride of her spirit." 
That should have been the end ; but Mrs. Hutchinson's 
love of talking and hazardous way of using words again 
made clear the path of her enemies. Up rose " the holy, 
heavenly, sweet-affecting, and soul-ravishing Mr. Shepard " 
and charged her with having lied. It was in vain that 
she asserted Shepard had misunderstood her. He called 
her " a notorious imposter " ; Hugh Peters declared she 
should have been a husband rather than a wife : and John 
Eliot, who was later to win immortality as missionary to 
the Indians, asserted that "she hath carried on all her 
errors by lies." Finally, John Cotton burst forth upon 
her ; " But now for one not to drop a lie, but to make a 
lie and to maintain a lie ; " and so he left her to her 
fate, which was thus pronounced by John Wilson, no one 
gainsaying : — 

" Forasmuch as you, Mrs. Hutchinson, have highly transgressed 
and offended and forasmuch as you have so many ways troubled the 
Church with your errors and have drawn away many a poor soul, 
and have upheld your revelations ; and forasmuch as you have made 
a lie, etc. Therefore in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ and in 
the name of the Church I do not only pronounce you worthy to be 
cast out, but I do cast you out and in the name of Christ I do deliver 
you up to Satan, that you may learn no more to blaspheme, to seduce 
and^to lie, and I do account you from this time forth to be a Heathen 

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and a Publican and so to be held of all the brethren and sisters of 
this congregation and of others; therefore I command you in the 
name of Christ Jesus and of his Church as a Leper to withdraw 
yourself out of the Congregation ; that as formerly you have despised 
and contemned the Holy Ordinances of God, and turned your back 
on them, so you may now have no part in them nor benefit by them." 

And, so cast out by Church and Commonwealth, Mrs. 
Hutchinson sought other scenes of activity. 

Of the three distinguished persons — Roger Williams, 
Anne Hutchinson, and Robert Child — whose reforming 
tendencies brought them into collision with the Massa- 
chusetts magistrates, only the last-named remains to be 
considered. The Massachusetts people on leaving Eng- 
land had proclaimed their connection with the Established 
Church, but on arriving in America had found them- 
selves obliged to set up a modified form of church govern- 
ment, in which there were elements of Presbyterianism 
and elements of Independency. It stood midway between 
Independency, on the one hand, and Presbyterianism on 
the other, and was described at the time as the New 
England Way. It was this moderation in change, or, per- 
haps, the stubborn way in which the Massachusetts leaders 
adhered to it, that brought upon them the wrath of Roger 
Williams, who was a good deal of a Brownist, of Anne 
Hutchinson, who was a radical in matters of doctrine, and 
of Robert Child, 1 who stood for Presbyterianism. In 
1646, within twelve months of the battle of Naseby, 
Dr. Robert Child and six others presented a "Remon- 
strance and Petition " to the General Court of Massa- 
chusetts. 9 This paper was framed with great skill and 

* Dr. Child was interested in mining, setts Historical Society's Proceedings, 
see letter of Rich : Leader to John Win- Second Series, iii, 192. 
throp, Jr., 21 August, 1648, in Massachu- * The petition is printed at length la 

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with the evident expectation that it would carry convic- 
tion to the Presbyterian majority of the Long Parliament, 
even though the Massachusetts rulers might not appre- 
ciate it. The petitioners described the government of the 
Bay Colony as an " ill compacted vessel," and desired the 
substitution of Presbyterianism for the existing ecclesias- 
tical polity. If they could not have the religious estab- 
lishment which they desired, they asked for the recognition 
of religious discipline " according to the best reformations 
of England and Scotland," — in other words, that Presby- 
terianism might be tolerated. The fact was that Robert 
Child and other Presbyterians were excluded from the 
franchise on the ground that they were not members of 
approved churches. This exclusion they regarded as un- 
warranted and arbitrary and as depriving them of rights 
which belonged to freeborn Englishmen. 

There was so much truth in the last assertion that 
Winthrop, with Dudley and Bellingham, felt it necessary 
to defend themselves and the system under which they 
governed. This they did in a document comparing the 
"fundamentals of the Massachusetts " with the institu- 
tions of England. 1 Instead of stating boldly that the 
representative system of England was absurd in its work- 
ing, they averred that in England representatives were 
chosen "for all the people, but not by all the people; 
but only by certain freeholders and free burghers in 
shires and corporations"; while in Massachusetts the 
deputies are chosen "for all the people, but not by all 
the people, but only by the company of freemen accord- 
ing to our charter." They summoned Child and the other 

Hutchinson's Collection of Papers, 188. Court concerning A Remonstrance, etc.," 

The substance of it is given in Win- is in Hutchinson's Collection, 198. 
throp's New England (Savage's edition) , 1 Hutchinson's Collection, 201 ; Ameri- 

i, 280. The " Declaration of the General can History Leaflets, No. 25. 

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1646] DR. ROBERT CHILD 379 

petitioners before them and placed them under bonds to 
appear when called upon. The petitioners, persisting 
obstinately and proudly in what Winthrop termed their 
"evil practice," were fined from ten to fifty pounds 
apiece and advised to « study to be quiet and to meddle 
with your [their] own business." Instead of so doing, 
they appealed to Parliament, which was now in the hands 
of the Covenanting majority. Their appeal took the 
shape of a petition 1 in which the Presbyterians asked 
that religion might be established in Massachusetts accord- 
ing to the Reformation of England; that the laws of 
England might be established in the colony; and that 
arbitrary power might be taken away. With this was 
another petition which pretended " to be in the name, and 
upon the sighs and tears of many thousands " and prayed 
for liberty of conscience and a general governor. With 
these two petitions were twenty-three queries chiefly 
about the validity of the patent and the legality of the 
doings of the Massachusetts rulers, both civil and eccle- 
siastical. The magistrates, getting hold of these documents, 
summoned Dr. Child, who, coming before them, "fell 
into a great passion and gave big words" until he was 
threatened with committal to the common prison unless 
he would behave as a gentleman and a scholar. Ulti- 
mately he gained his liberty and made the best of his 
way to London. 

Meantime, Dr. Child's brother in England, who was 
major of a regiment in Kent, with the aid of William 
Vassall, at one time an assistant, but now in opposition to 
the magistrates, prepared and printed a pamphlet en- 
titled "New England's Jonas Cast up in London." At 
this time Edward Winslow was in England, representing 

* Winthrop's New England, ii, 293. 

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the interests of Massachusetts and New Plymouth. He 
answered this publication with another which he named 
the " Salamander," pointing therein at Mr. Vassall, who 
was never quiet but when he was in the fire of contention. 
Upon his arrival in London, Dr. Child presented a petition 
reciting the misdeeds of Massachusetts ; but " God met 
with them all " according to Governor Winthrop. It fell 
out that Robert Child's seventeenth-century temper got the 
better of him and induced him, being upon the Exchange, 
to box the ears of Francis Willoughby, a resident of 
Charlestown in Massachusetts, whose father was a person 
of influence in the city of London. Child was arrested 
and, to secure his freedom, promised in writing never to 
speak evil of New England again or to occasion any 
trouble to the country or to any of its people. " Besides," 
added Winthrop in concluding his account of these occur- 
rences, " God had so blasted his estate, as he was quite 
broken, etc." With this "etc." Dr. Robert Child passes 
out of the ken of history. The Independents, with Oliver 
Cromwell at their head and the New Model Army at their 
back, were now supreme. Pride's Purge removed Child's 
friends from the House of Commons. For the present, at 
least, no Presbyterians were likely to trouble Massachu- 
setts, for, as Roger Williams exultingly wrote, there came 
upon England "a wonderful calm and liberty, and all 
violent hands, though not tongues, [were] held in by the 

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I. The Antinomiana. — C. F. Adams has included in his Antinomian- 
ism in Massachusetts Bay (Prince Society Publications) the important 
material having to do peculiarly with Mrs. Hutchinson and her be- 
liefs. Documents are also to be found in Hutchinson's Collection, 
beginning with p. 63. Mr. Adams, in his Three Episodes of Massa- 
chusetts History, gives by far the best account that has yet appeared 
of Thomas Morton, Sir Christopher Gardiner, 1 and Mrs. Hutchinson, 
although his mode of historical treatment has not always commended 
itself to students of Massachusetts history. 8 Williston Walker, in 
his Creeds and Platforms of Congregationalism, also deals with Anti- 
nomianism as well as other outlying sects, while Palfrey and Ellis 
give the traditional Massachusetts view. 

IL Roger Williams. — The biographies of Williams are noted by 
G S. Brigham in his " Bibliography of Rhode Island History " (Field's 
Rhode Island, iii, Appendix), and are all controversial in tone. Thomas 
Seccombe's article in the Dictionary of National Biography is an excel- 
lent notice from a fresh point of view. Professor Diman's " Preface " 
to the second volume of the Narragansett Club's edition of Williams's 
writings is the most scholarly account of the career of the founder 
of Providence. The case against him is vehemently stated by 
Henry M. Dexter in his As to Roger Williams. Every history of 
Rhode Island or of Providence necessarily has to do with Williams's 
career, as Arnold's Rhode Island, Richman's Rhode Island, Brigham's 
article in Field's Rhode Island, and Rider's " Soul Liberty " in Rhode 
Island Historical Tracts, Second Series. W. H. Whitsett, in A Ques- 
Hon in Baptist History, and H. M. King's Baptism of Roger Williams, 
contain some interesting matter as to whether Roger Williams was 
baptized by sprinkling or by immersion. A contemporary hostile 
opinion of Williams is given by George Fox in his A New England 
Firebrand Quenched (London, 1649). Williams in return gives his 
testimony of what he termed " the unclean spirit of the Quakers " 8 
in George Fox digged out of his Burrowes (Boston, 1676). 

i Mr. Adams has treated the career throp, Jr., in Massachusetts Historical 

of Sir Christopher Gardiner in Massachu- Society's Proceedings, Second Series, 

setts in a scholarly manner in Massacha- viii, 370, 402, 486. 
setts Historical Society's Proceedings, 'Massachusetts Historical Society's 

xx, 60-88. Proceedings, Second Series, iii, 258. 

* See, for example, Robert C. Win- 

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In the years 1635-88 four groups of plantations, which 
later developed into the states of Connecticut and Rhode 
Island, were settled south of Massachusetts. Some of 
these settlements were made by persons whose longer 
stay in Massachusetts was distasteful to the rulers of that 
colony ; the others were made by persons to whom further 
residence in Massachusetts was uncongenial. It was in the 
winter of 1635-86 that Roger Williams, 1 to avoid deporta- 
tion to England, sought the wilderness and, after some 
vicissitudes, began a settlement on a river which flows 
into the northern end of Narragansett Bay. To the little 
hamlet he gave the name of Providence. Exactly what 
his plans were, if, indeed, he had thought out any definite 
scheme of action, is difficult to determine. Possibly he 
only intended to found a trading station where he and 
his family with a few friends could live in quiet ; but 
the thought that he might do something to rescue the 
Indians from the heathen's doom may have had something 
to do with his determination. Certainly he does not seem 
to have had in contemplation the founding of a state. 
One evidence of this is the fact that he secured from the 
Indians a small tract of land in his own name and not in 

* There has been some discussion as See Rhode Island Historical Society's 
to the date of Williams's banishment. Proceedings, 1888, p, 52. 

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that of himself and associates ; it is reasonable to suppose 
that, if he had looked upon himself as acting for his asso- 
ciates, he would have procured the grant in their united 
names. 1 The omission to do this gave rise to serious 
trouble between Williams and his neighbors. Ultimately 
he was obliged to yield to their wishes and to part with 
most of his proprietary rights ; but he seems to the end to 
have regarded his fellow-townsmen as guilty of ingratitude, 
and some of them looked upon him as seeking to deprive 
them of their rights. At all events they seem to have 
been much more concerned in securing good home lots 
and farms than they were in problems of government, 
whether in Church or State. 8 

In obtaining his lands directly from the Indians, Roger 
Williams no doubt felt that he was securing a valid title ; 
but the accuracy of his view may well be questioned, and 
the transaction also gives rise to interesting speculations 
from the point of view of English legal theory and of the 

i " The land was mine own as truly 
as any man's coat upon bis back/' he 
said at a later time. It does not do, 
however, to base an argument upon any 
one statement of Roger Williams. He 
was a man of many words and of 
changeable ideas. At one time he de- 
clared that in going to Providence he 
had it in mind to found a refuge for the 
" most Jewish, Pagan, and anti-Christian 
consciences " — so Mr. Richman says. 
At another time Williams averred that 
his " soul's desire was to do the natives 
good." — Rider's Rhode Island Tracts, 
No. 14, p. 53. 

* See " Plea of the Petuxet Purchas- 
ers/' Rhode Island Historical Society's 
Publications, New Series, i, No. 3; 
H. C. Dorr's "Proprietors of Providence 
and their Controversies with the Free- 
holders," Inibid., Hi, 143-230; Williams's 
letters of 1678, in ibid., viii, 166. The set- 
tlers looked upon themselves as feudal 
proprietors. The law of petty treason 

(1647), for example, provides that a man 
condemned for this crime shall be " drawn 
and hanged; the woman to be burned 
alive, . . . the lands to go by escheat to 
the Lord of the Fee. 25 Edw. HI, 2 ; only we 
do declare touching this matter, that each 
town is, of good right, the Lord of the 
Fee, in respect of all the lands contained 
within its bounds, from whom every man 
hath received his lands, which Lords 
being all here present in this General 
Assembly, and conceiving the wives and 
children ought not to bear the iniquities 
of the husbands and parents, at least as 
the case stands with us, do therefore 
Jointly agree, so far as in us lies, to 
allow the privilege of rent throughout 
the whole colony, and propagate that 
country proverb in Providence Planta- 
tions, ' the Father to the bough and the 
Son to the plow,' he having first defrayed 
the charges about the delinquent." — 
Rhode Island Colony Records, i, 162. 

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institutions of the North American Indians. According to 
English law, the title to the soil of North America, at least 
to that part of it upon which Providence stands, was in 
the English king. By charter, James I had granted this 
land to the Council for New England, and the Council for 
New England, in its turn and after its manner, had granted 
this soil to more than one set of grantees. Legally speak- 
ing, the men of Providence had no right whatever to their 
farms except such as long-continued occupancy could give 
them, — a title derived solely from the natives had no 
standing in the courts of England. 1 Moreover, regardless 
of its legal position, a title resting solely on an Indian 
grant could have little value. The Indians held land in 
common as a tribe, and no one person could divest the 
tribe of its rights; an Indian sachem was a chosen chief 
rather than a hereditary patriarch, as Canonicus, for 
instance, has so often been pictured. Furthermore, the 
aborigines had no conception of private ownership of 
land, and therefore could not have understood the mean- 
ing of an English deed, no matter how carefully and con- 
scientiously it might have been explained to them. The 
chiefs, when they affixed their marks to the paper which 
Williams had prepared, doubtless had in mind nothing 
more than giving to their friend permission to occupy and 
use a portion of the tribal domain. In later times, the 
Indian sachems came to Williams's trading house and 
helped themselves to his goods, somewhat to his dismay, 
but in strict donformity to their institutional ideas which 
require additional compensation for. the continued occu- 
pancy of the tribal lands. In brief, the people of Provi- 
dence, and those of Aquidneck also, having no title from 

i See on this subject, Henry C. Dorr, ligations, New Series, iii, 146, and Mar- 
in Rhode Island Historical Society's Pub- snail's decision as above, p. 364. 

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the English sovereign, were merely squatters, until time 
and the king made good their right. 

In an institutional way, also, the position of the men of 
Providence was peculiar. They had no license from the 
king to govern themselves, and did not obtain such per- 
mission until 1663. In the interval they acted upon the 
same principle as that which obtained at Plymouth, 
namely, the right of English subjects finding themselves 
outside of any governmental organization to take care 
of their concerns until the sovereign should make some 
provision for their government. The men of Providence 
therefore established a government, or semblance of a 
government would be more truthful, which was the pur- 
est democracy that up to that time had ever developed 
in an English-speaking community. In the new colony 
there was a good measure of equality in both civil and 
religious affairs. Williams argued for equality in reli- 
gion ; some of his fellows were disposed to extend this to 
civil aifairs also, and to proceed on the theory that a man 
must act according to his conscience in civil as well as 
in ecclesiastical matters. There was no Church establish- 
ment in the Providence settlement; no man was obliged 
to support religion, or to attend divine service, although 
Williams ministered to those who came to listen to him. 
Nevertheless, the first religious case which arose at Provi- 
dence is worth recalling, because it shows how difficult it 
was in those days for people to understand the separa- 
tion of Church and State for which Williams argued, and 
how difficult it is for even the best of men to be consist- 
ent. Among the few adherents who followed Williams 
from Salem was Joshua Verin. He seems to have enjoyed 
his new-found liberty, and for a year did not go to church. 
Not only did he stay away from Mr. Williams's services, 

VOL. I. — 2 c 

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he refused to permit his wife to attend them, even going 
so far, if Williams may be believed, as to endanger her 
life with furious blows. 1 Acting possibly upon the in- 
itiative of their religious leader, the townsmen took the 
case under advisement and disfranchised Verin for re- 
straining his wife's conscience, although he averred that 
his own conscience would not permit him to allow her 
to listen to Williams's exhortations. Some time afterward 
Verin shook the dust of Providence from his feet and 
returned to Salem, which seemed to those who remained 
at Providence to be good reason to appropriate his land. 9 
At Salem he would be obliged to attend divine services 
several times each week, but there also he could preserve 
discipline in his family, and feel certain that, following 
the Epistle of Paul to Titus, his wife would be obedient 
to her husband, " that the word of God be not blas- 
phemed." 8 What Joshua Venn's scruples were, if they 
were truly of a conscientious cast, cannot be stated, but 
in view of the instability of Roger Williams's religious 
convictions, it is not impossible that he may have con- 
scientiously objected to the precise form of doctrine which 

i Williams's letter to Winthrop, tell- he will hale his wife with ropes to Salem, 

tag his side of the story, is as follows: where she most needes be troubled & 

" Sir, We haue bene long aflicted by troublesome as differences yet stand, 
a young man, boysterous & desperate, She is willing to stay & live with him 
Philip Verins sonn of Salem, who, as he or else where, where she may not offend, 
hath refused to heare the word with vs &c. I shall humbly request that this 
(which we molested him not for) this item be accepted, & he no way counte- 
twelue month, so because he could not nanced, vntil (if need be) I further trouble 
draw his wife, a gracious & modest you : So with due respects to Mrs. Win- 
woman, to the same vngodlines with trop, Mr. Deputie, Mr. Belingham, &c. I 
him, he hath troden her vnder foote rest, 

tyranically & brutishly: which she & " Your worship's vnf signed 
we long bearing, though with his furious " Roger Williams." 
blows she went in danger of life, at the —Massachusetts Historical Society's Col- 
last the maior Tote of ts discard him lections. Fourth Series, vi, 245. 
from our civill freedome, or disfranchize, * Rhode Island Colony Records, i, 17 
&c : he will haue justice (as he clamours) and note. Winthrop's New England, i, 
at other Courts: I wish he might, for a 283. Early Records of Providence, i, 4. 
fowle & slanderous & brutish cariage, * Titus, ch. ii, 6. 
which God hath deliuered him vp vnto; 

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Williams was inculcating at the moment. At any rate, it 
was not long after Venn's disfranchisement that Williams 
became a Baptist, and so remained for three or four 
months, when he left that fold. For the remainder of 
his life he was one of that small band of persons "who 
professed to be seeking the true church, ministry, and sac- 
raments," and were hence called " Seekers." 

In 1640, the householders of Providence came together 
and drew up an agreement which served them as a funda- 
mental law for the next few years. By this instrument, 
five men, who were called the disposers, should be chosen 
four times in each year to have charge of the disposal of 
the land, the management of the common stock, and the 
admission of inhabitants. As to the last, however, the 
Providence lawmakers went beyond the so-called Massa- 
chusetts Alien Act of 1636, by providing that the objection 
of any one resident should be sufficient to bar out a new- 
comer, although the disposers might be ready to admit him. 
In point of fact, Providence seems to have been painfully 
exclusive, so far, at all events, as giving outsiders the right 
to share in the colony's lands. 1 The freeholders further 
reserved the right, in general meetings, to ratify or to 
disavow the doings of the disposers and, in all things, to 
exercise supreme power. Ordinarily disputes between 
man and man were to be referred to arbitration, but dis- 
agreements between the disposers and one or more of the 
inhabitants were to be settled at a general meeting. This 
agreement continued for five years, when it was superseded 
by another, which opened the franchise to poorer men. 
There was no one at Providence who wielded authority 
similar to that which William Bradford exercised at 

1 " Item that none sell his field or his the town." —Early Records of Provi- 
lot granted in our liberties to any person (fence, i, 3. 
bnt to an inhabitant, without consent of 

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Plymouth, for Williams and Harris, the ablest of the 
early settlers, for one reason or another were in opposi- 
tion to each other and to the inhabitants generally. As 
the case stood, this constitution had no sanction except 
force, which sometimes led to riot and bloodshed. Indeed, 
as Williams once wrote, the peace of Providence was 
" like the peace of a man who has a tertian ague." Two 
years before this constitution was formulated, Mistress 
Anne Hutchinson and many of her followers found refuge 
on a large island which divides Narragansett Bay into 
two unequal parts, and is known by the name of Rhode 
Island. 1 

The Hutchinsonians had no sympathy whatsoever with 
the doctrine of " soul liberty," nor were the leaders among 
them tolerant of democratic ideas; but they and Roger 
Williams had this in common, that the rulers of Massa- 
chusetts thought their room better than their company. 
The most important man among them was William 
Coddington, who in Boston had been accounted one of 
the richest of its inhabitants, and had served the Massa- 
chusetts Bay Company as assistant, and at one time as 
treasurer. At first the newcomers settled on the northern 
end of the island of Rhode Island, or Aquidneck, as the 
natives called it ; their village they named Portsmouth. 
On the " seventh day of the first month," 1637-88, while 
at Providence on the way to their new home, the Hutch- 
insonians formed themselves into a body politic by signing 
a document, which closely resembles the Church covenants 
of that time : — 

" We, whose names are under written, do here solemnly, in the 
presence of Jehovah, incorporate ourselves into a Bodie Politick, and 

1 On the origin of this name, see Brig- Rhode Island, i f 242 ; J. O. Kohl in Maga- 
bam's Rhode Island, 60 note ; Richman's zine of American History, ix, 81. 

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as he shall help, will submit our persons lives and estates unto our 
Lord Jesus Christ, the King of Kings and Lord of Lords, and to all 
those perfect and most absolute laws of his given us in his holy word 
of truth, to be guided and judged thereby." 

As justifying this action they referred to certain speci- 
fied passages in Exodus, Chronicles, and Kings. They 
elected Mr. Coddington to be " judge " amongst them 
and promised to yield to him all due honor according to 
the laws of God ; he, on his part, covenanted to do jus- 
tice and to maintain their fundamental rights, whenever 
these should be ascertained in public meeting. The ear-, 
liest government at Portsmouth, therefore, was a " Bible 
Commonwealth," in which the will of God was ascer- 
tained, from time to time, by the freeholders in general 
meeting assembled. Like the Providence people, they 
equalled the Massachusetts Bay Company in exclusiveness 
by providing that no newcomer should be received except 
by consent of the " Body," and then only upon his sub- 
mission to the existing government. 1 From this time on, 
for the next few years, there were rapid and radical 
changes in the institutions of the islanders, but the 
history of this time is difficult to get at, and even more 
difficult to narrate with clearness and brevity. The 
Hutchinsonians, like their prophetess, were restless. In 
1639 Coddington and his personal friends abandoned 
Portsmouth and made a settlement near the southern 
end of the island, which they called Newport. Most of 
the Hutchinsonians lived and died on Rhode Island ; 
but the changeful spirit of Mrs. Hutchinson could not 
long be content in any one place. In 1642, on the death 
of her husband, she removed from the shores of Narra- 
gansett Bay, and settled at the western end of Long 

* Rhode Island Colony Records, i, 63. 

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Island Sound, within the limits of what is now West- 
chester County, New York. There she lived with her 
children, her grandchildren, and her servants, untroubled 
by any superior authority, for about a year, when she and 
her whole household, to the number of sixteen persons, 
were murdered by the Indians. " God's hand," wrote 
Winthrop, "is the more apparently seen therein, to pick 
out this woful woman to make her and those belonging to 
her, an unheard of heavy example of their [the Indians] 
cruelty," which is the most regrettable sentence that the 
first governor of Massachusetts ever penned. 

The fourth colony to be settled within the limits of 
the present state of Rhode Island had for its founder one 
of the most interesting characters in New England history. 
His name was Samuel Gorton, and in earlier life he had 
lived in London as a clothier. In 1636 or 1687 he appeared 
at Boston. He made no long stay at that place, possibly 
because his opinion that "heaven and hell had no actual 
existence " was in opposition to that of the men of Massa- 
chusetts. Removing to Plymouth, he lived there for some 
time without giving offense, but at length found him- 
self summoned before the magistrates and finally before 
the Great and General Court. How far he had gone in 
formulating his beliefs at that time cannot be discovered ; 
but it was not long after this that we find him declaring 
that the Scriptures were no more than " tales " ; 1 that 
oath-taking in court was opposed to the commandment, 
and that baptism by the sign of the cross or by water 
was of no efficacy. It is likely that he had already begun 
the promulgation of these doctrines; but he was at the 
moment before the magistrates because he had had the 
temerity to defend a serving woman whose actions did 

1 Winslow's Hypocrisy Unmasked, SO. 

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1638] SAMUEL GORTON 891 

not please the authorities. The governor being fatigued, 
one of the assistants stated Gorton's offense to the General 
Court, when the accused, « stretching out his hand toward 
his face, said with a loud voice, « If Satan will accuse the 
brethren, let hiin come down from Jehoshua his right 
hand and stand here.' " x As a result of this bearding 
of the Plymouth magistrate, Gorton soon found himself 
outside the limits of that colony. His next field of activ- 
ity was Portsmouth, where William Coddington was still 
exercising the chief magistracy. In that place, also, 
Gorton's religious proclivities seem to have been borne 
with, but there again he undertook to defend a maid- 
servant, possibly the same one, and again lost his temper, 
calling the presiding judge " a just ass " and swinging his 
arms about. So Mr. Coddington sentenced him to be 
whipped and saw to it that the punishment was inflicted. 
As Coddington turned away, Gorton broke from the whip- 
ping post and ran to him, "drawing a chain after one of 
his legs, the upper part of his body being still naked," 
and told him that one of these days he should have the 
chain again. 3 Next Gorton betook himself to Providence, 
where Williams soon described him as "bewitching and 
bemadding poor Providence both with his unclean and 
foul censures of all the ministers of this country . . . 
and also denying all visible and external audiences in 
depth of familisme, against which I have a little disputed 
and written, and shall (the most High assenting) to 
death. As Paul said of Asia, I of Providence (almost) 
all suck in his poison, as at first they did at Aquidneck. 
Some few and myself withstood his inhabitation and 
town privileges." Williams and those who acted with 
him were successful in banishing the intruder. So Gorton 

1 Window's Hypocrisy Unmasked, 67. * Ibid., 53. 

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once more went into exile. He "bought land" of the 
natives and began a little settlement at Shawomet, some 
miles south of Providence on the western side of Narra- 
gansett Bay. 

Up to this time the authorities of the Bay had kept 
their hands off of Gorton ; but now some of the Provi- 
dence people appealed to Massachusetts for aid against 
the Gortonites. 1 The Massachusetts leaders expressed 
themselves as averse to meddling in the matter, and 
answered that they could do nothing. They advised the 
men of Providence to place themselves under the gov- 
ernment of Massachusetts or of Plymouth, which some of 
them later did. Gorton himself had also aroused the sus- 
picions of the Massachusetts people by his dealings with 
Miantonomo, the chief of the Narragansetts, whom they 
justly suspected of plotting to exterminate the settlers. 
To the remonstrances of the Massachusetts magistrates, 
Gorton replied in lengthy epistles. One of these was 
directed to "The Great and Honored Idol General now 
set up in Massachusetts." In this letter he informed the 
Massachusetts magistrates that they were a "generation 
of vipers" and, as at Plymouth and Portsmouth, sug- 
gested that they should come down and fight the matter 
out. Whatever may have been the failings of the Mas- 
sachusetts leaders, hesitancy to accept a challenge was 
not one of them. Forty men sought Shawomet, captured 
Gorton and nine or ten companions, and bore them to 
Boston in triumph, leaving their families behind. When 
they had Gorton safe and sound at the capital, they knew 
not what to do with him. Eventually they convicted 
him of blasphemy, of which he was being constantly 

* Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Third Series, i, 2; Winthrop's 
New England, ii, 59. 

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guilty, according to Massachusetts ideas. In the end, he 
departed for England where he engaged in a paper war- 
fare with Edward Winslow. Gorton's pamphlet was 
entitled Simplicity's Defence against Seven-headed Policy? 
and Winslow's was called Hypocrisy Unmasked. Gorton 
obtained from the Earl of Warwick, Chairman of the 
Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, an order direct- 
ing Massachusetts to permit him to live in peace at Shaw- 
omet; but Winslow secured from the Commissioners a 
second order, considerably modifying the first. As for 
Gorton, he returned to Shawomet, which he appropriately 
christened Warwick, and lived reasonably happy ever after. 
The four colonies of Providence, Portsmouth, Newport, 
and Warwick * were now well settled, but as yet they had 
no confirmation of the title to their land, which still rested 
on occupancy and on purchase from the natives. Any day 
Edward Winslow, on behalf of Massachusetts, Plymouth, 
and Connecticut, might secure a grant of their lands from 
the Long Parliament or from the king. To ward off this 
danger, Roger Williams went to England and procured 
from the Commissioners of the Long Parliament (1643) a 
patent of incorporation. The meaning and legal standing 
of this document is exceedingly vague. It begins with a 
recital of the appointment of the Commissioners and the 
settlement of the plantations of Providence, Portsmouth, 
and Newport. 8 It then proceeds to authorize the inhabit- 
ants of those towns to rule themselves and such others as 
shall hereafter inhabit within certain limits by such a form 

* Reprinted in Force's Tracts and in Gorton," by Charles Deane, precedes this 

Rhode Island Historical Society's Collec- reprint. Williams's letter is in ibid., 216. 
turns, ii. » W. E. Foster has pointed ont that 

3 Those portions which deal with these settlements "were scarcely less 

Gorton are reprinted in New England than little ' states.' " —Life of Stephen 

Historical and Genealogical Register, Hopkins, i, 168. 
iv, 212. An excellent • ' Notice of Samuel 

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of civil government as the greater part of them should find 
most suitable to their condition, but their laws and punish- 
ments must be as near as may be to the laws of England. 
This latter proviso is found in many colonial documents, 
and meant much or little as the existing government in 
England was interested or not in colonial matters and was 
able to make its will respected. A further proviso in this 
instrument reserved to the Commissioners and their succes- 
sors the right to dispose of the general government of the 
plantation as they should conceive most conducive to the 
general good of the plantations in America, the honor of 
his Majesty, and the service of the State. This brief state- 
ment of some provisions of the patent shows clearly enough 
its institutional indefiniteness ; its legal standing is even 
less certain. It was issued by the Earl of Warwick and 
other persons who had received their authority from the 
Long Parliament, which professed to act in the name of 
the king. It was issued before the battle of Naseby and 
while affairs in England were in an extremely critical con- 
dition, and when it would be absurd to regard Parliament 
as exercising sovereign authority. It was, possibly, on 
account of this uncertainty that Williams and the Narra- 
gansett settlers made no use of this license until Cromwell's 
victories over the king had determined in some measure the 
question of sovereignty in England. 1 

The patent bears the date of 1643, but it was not until 
three years and more had passed away (1647) that the major 
part of the voters of Providence, Newport, and Portsmouth 
met at the last-named place and proceeded to act under its 
provisions. 9 One of the first things which they did was 
to admit the Warwick colonists to a share in their rights 

1 The patent was confirmed by Crom- * See Rhode Island Colony Records, 

well as Protector in 1655. Rhode Island i, 147 and fol. 
Colony Records, i, 317. 

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under the patent, and to provide that all voters should set 
their hands to an engagement to uphold the new govern- 
ment. They also established a general organization for the 
four colonies or settlements. This had only a brief exist- 
ence but it is interesting as showing what some seventeenth- 
century Englishmen regarded as a desirable framework for 
a political society. For a legislative body, they instituted 
a general court in which the voters of the several settle- 
ments should be represented by committees, and their 
executive ofi&cers were a president and four assistants, one 
from each settlement. In all this they merely reproduced 
in its essential features the government which had been 
instituted by the Connecticut colonists ; but with the 
democratic instincts which pervaded the Narragansett 
settlers, they forecasted the future and attempted to es- 
tablish what would now be called a joint system of initia- 
tive and referendum. According to this plan, the voters 
of each settlement might propose legislation, which should 
be ratified or rejected by the next legislature ; or that body 
might propose regulations, which should be confirmed or 
voted down by the people of the several settlements. Eight 
years later, in 1655, there were only forty-two voters in 
Providence, seventy-one in Portsmouth, ninety-four in New- 
port, and thirty-eight in Warwick — in all two hundred and 
forty-five. 1 Having in mind these figures, this arrangement 
would seem to be somewhat overponderous, even when 
the individual voters were as stiff in their opinions as were 
the settlers of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. 
The new fundamental law was constantly amended and 
the voters themselves do not seem to have regarded the 
constitution of their embryonic republic with any degree 
of affection or respect, if we may regard the practice of 

1 Rhode Island Colony Records, i, 209. 

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illegal voting or ballot stuffing as evidence of lack of appre- 
ciation. It was in 1649 that the General Assembly ordered 
" for the prevention of corruption of votes for the future, 
that ,. . . none shall bring any votes, but such as they 
receive from the voters hands." Such as it was, the joint 
government or federation continued for only three years. 
In 1651 William Coddington returned from a visit to Eng- 
land with a commission from the Council of State of the 
Commonwealth which authorized him to govern Rhode 
Island during his lifetime, with the aid of a council of six 
persons to be appointed by the people. 1 This arrangement 
was not at all to the liking of the Rhode Islanders. They 
sent one of their number to England, who was soon fol- 
lowed by Roger Williams. Eventually, the authorities 
of the Commonwealth annulled Coddington's commis- 
sion and directed the inhabitants of the four settle- 
ments to proceed under the patent of 1643. From this 
time until the Restoration, in 1660, and even for three 
years longer, the federation preserved a somewhat feeble 

The general liberty which existed in Rhode Island and 
Providence Plantations attracted to those settlements per- 
sons who were out of sympathy with settled government 
anywhere and asserted that it was against the rule of the 
gospel to execute judgment upon transgressors against the 
private or public welfare. 2 Their declaration induced 
those in authority to enact two laws, providing that no 
newcomer should be received as a freeman in any town 
except by the consent of the assembly, and that any one 

* On this episode, see Henry E. Tur- dence] echoes into the ears of all, as well 
ner's "William Coddington in Rhode friends as enemies. . . . Are there no 
Island Colonial Affairs " (Rhode Island wise men amongst yon? No public self- 
Historical Tracts, No. 4). denying spirits?" — Rhode Island CoU 

* Sir Henry Vane in 1664 declared ony Records, i, 286. 
that " the noise [of the tumults at Provi- 

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making slanderous speeches could be sued in any town. 
Roger Williams was stimulated to action by the threatened 
anarchy and wrote an admirable letter defining the line 
between liberty and license : — 

" There goes many a ship to sea, with many hundred souls in one 
ship, whose weal and woe is common, and is a true picture of a 
commonwealth. ... It hath fallen out sometimes that both Papists 
and Protestants, Jews and Turks, may be embarked in one ship ; 
upon which supposal I affirm, that all the liberty of conscience, that 
ever I pleaded for, turns upon these two hinges : that none of the 
Papists, Protestants, Jews, or Turks be forced to come to the ship's 
prayers or worship, nor compelled from their own particular prayers 
or worship, if they practise any. I further add, that I never denied, 
that notwithstanding this liberty, the commander of this ship ought 
to command the ship's course. ... If any of the seamen refuse 
to perform their service or passengers to pay their freight ; if any 
refuse to help, in person or purse, towards the common charges or 
defence; if any refuse to obey the common laws and orders of the 
ship, . . . ; if any shall mutiny and rise up against their com- 
manders and officers; if any should preach or write that there 
ought to be no commanders nor officers, because all are equal in 
Christ, therefore no masters nor officers, no laws nor orders, nor 
corrections nor punishments; I say, I never denied, but in such 
cases, whatever is pretended, the commander or commanders may 
judge, resist, compel, and punish such transgressors, according to 
their deserts and merits." * 

This brief survey of the settlements of the towns on or 
near Narragansett Bay gives one an insight into the pecul- 
iarities which have marked off the State of Rhode Island 
and Providence Plantations from the other States of the 
Union. Foremost among these peculiarities may be men- 
tioned a spirit of intense local patriotism which has no 
parallel elsewhere; the people of each town seem to be 
zealous for their local rights and distinctions, and the 
people of all the towns of the State seem to combine 

1 Narragansett Club Publications, vi, 278. 

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together only in opposition to other colonies and States. 
In Rhode Island, individualism has always had its highest 
development; in colonial days there was no capital in 
which the people of all the settlements were on a footing 
of equality. The General Assembly had no fixed place of 
meeting, but convened successively in different parts of 
the colony. There were no rules in Rhode Island by 
which affairs should be carried on; what one found on 
the island of Aquidneck he might be reasonably certain 
he would not find in Providence or in Warwick. There 
was one great exception to this general statement : every- 
where in the colony men held strong opinions, and every- 
where there was extreme toleration for the ideas of others. 
In such a community, men of power and independence 
were likely to arise who would profoundly influence the 
thoughts, lives, souls, and doings of others ; and such men 
have been Rhode Island's chiefest contribution to American 

The Massachusetts Bay Company expelled Roger Wil- 
liams and William Coddington from their corporate limits 
because they did not like the opinions which these gentle- 
men held and promulgated; John Haynes and Thomas 
Hooker, Theophilus Eaton and John Davenport, sought 
the Connecticut Valley and the shores of Long Island 
Sound of their own free will and against the wishes of 
the rulers of the colony on the Bay. Precisely why 
Haynes and Hooker and their companions deserted Mas- 
sachusetts for the Connecticut Valley is one of the unsolved 
problems of New England history. Haynes and Roger 
Ludlow, 1 the third important settler of Connecticut, had 

* John M. Taylor In his Roger Ludlow At all events he did not remain there 
suggests that disappointed ambition led long, as he soon removed to Fairfield and 
Ludlow to the banks of the Connecticut, in 1654 returned to England. 

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borne prominent parts in Massachusetts. The former, as 
governor, had pronounced the sentence of banishment 
against Roger Williams, and in the Church no minister 
had been more highly regarded than Hooker. Probably 
they and their companions were actuated by a variety of 
motives. Hooker, for instance, disliked the close connec- 
tion between Church and State which obtained in Massa- 
chusetts, and preferred a broader franchise than one which 
rested on Church membership. 1 All three of the Con- 
necticut leaders probably felt themselves overshadowed 
by Winthrop, Dudley, and Endicott, by John Cotton and 
John Wilson. A third consideration possibly had more 
potency than either of these with the ordinary emigrants : 
this was the belief that the fertile Connecticut Valley 
offered a better chance for worldly advancement than the 
gravelly and rocky hills of eastern Massachusetts ; in point 
of fact the new migration may be regarded as a part of 
that incessant search for cheaply acquired fertile lands 
which has been one of the mainsprings of the growth of 
the United States.* With the whole continent at their 
backs, it seems a little singular that any one should 
have felt straitened for room in Massachusetts; but the 
peculiar town system of that colony, which demanded 
concentration of settlement, had much to do with this 
feeling. When Hooker and his Newtowne flock first 
became discontented and complained of the scantiness of 
their bounds, the General Court granted them more land 
on the opposite side of the Charles River ; but this new 
land was inconvenient of access, and its possession did not 

1 G. L. Walker's " Thomas Hooker " later years. For example, the town of 

(Maker* of America Series) repeats the Wetbersfield had scarcely been founded 

traditional view of Connecticut's rise. ere many of its inhabitants made another 

* Many of the original settlers of migration and founded the town of Mil- 
Connecticut had that restless pioneer ford in New Haven Colony, 
spirit which became so well known in 

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remove their discontentment. In 1635 one of the greatest 
of the Nonconformist ministers, Thomas Shepard, arrived 
at Boston with a strong band of followers. These offered 
to buy out the Newtowne (Cambridge) people, and this 
circumstance led the General Court to consent to their 
departure. So overland they went (1636) through the 
forests, with their wives and their children, their cattle 
and their household goods, Mrs. Hooker riding in a horse 
litter, making the first of those pilgrimages toward the 
setting sun which later became a marked characteristic 
of American life. Preceding or following them went 
other settlers from Dorchester, Watertown, and Roxbury, 
— those from the last-named town settling at Spring- 
field, which later was found to be within the limits of 

Before this time Dutch and Plymouth fur traders had 
sought the banks of the Connecticut and had established 
trading stations on the sites of the modern Hartford and 
Wethersfieid. The newcomers built their houses and 
cultivated the soil about these posts with slight regard for 
the rights of the earlier occupants. 1 Some of them also 
settled higher up the river, at Windsor. While these colo- 
nists were slowly gathering on the upper reaches of the 
river, other settlers were taking possession of the mouth of 
the stream. These were the advance guard of a colony 
which Lord Brooke and Lord Saye and Sele designed to 
plant in the Connecticut Valley. These Puritan noblemen 
had secured from the Earl of Warwick the title to an 
enormous tract of land, which he had received from the 
Council of New England, of which he was at one time 
president. The leader in this new venture was John Win- 

1 For instance, cattle belonging to the passing on the Englishmen's corn." — 
Dutchmen were " impounded for tres- Colonial Records of Connecticut, i, 51. 

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throp, Jr., 1 but the expedition which actually took posses- 
sion of the mouth of the river was a forlorn hope which 
had been hastily sent from Boston to forestall the Dutch. 
The Englishmen came in good time and managed to mount 
two guns on shore before the Dutch appeared, looked upon 
them, and sailed back to New Amsterdam. The Dutch fur 
traders at Hartford were not so accommodating, but with 
the phlegmatic obstinacy which marks their race they 
held on to the post for many a year, although constantly 
harassed and insulted by their English neighbors. 

The land history of Connecticut is very complicated and 
hard to unravel. The title to the soil rests on a deed or 
grant which bears the signature of the Earl of Warwick, 
but whether it was given as president of the Council for 
New England or was merely a transfer of private rights 
cannot be discovered. At all events, in 1631 Lord Saye 
and Sele, Lord Brooke, John Hampden, John Pym, and 
their associates, among whom were Sir Richard Saltonstall 
and Herbert Pelham, received some kind of a grant of land 
from Warwick in which the bounds were stated with 
more than usually exasperating indefiniteness. South of 
Massachusetts the new colony extended from the Narra- 
gansett River one hundred and twenty miles along the 
seashore and so due west to the South Sea. The settle- 
ments higher up the river were made without any arrange- 
ments with the associates and possibly against their 
wishes?* but the relations between the Saybrook colonists 
and the settlers farther up the stream were usually harmo- 

1 Winthrop's early connection with ings, Second Series, 111, 197. The more 

Connecticut has been somewhat exag- important facts in the life of the younger 

gerated. It was 1649 before be ceased Wintbrop are summed up in the Ameri- 

to be a Massachusetts magistrate, and can Antiquarian Society's Proceedings, 

1650 before he transplanted his family 1898, p. 296. 

to the scene of his later years. See Bias- * See a letter printed in Winthrop's 

sachusetts Historical Society's Proceed- New England, i, 397. 

vol. i. — 2d 

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nious. The first Connecticut colonists were squatters ; they 
held their lands by virtue of continued occupancy, con- 
quest of the Pequots, and purchase from the River Indians 
and the Saybrook grantees. 1 They made good their title 
by long-continued possession and by procuring a confirma- 
tion of it from Charles II (1662). The boundary history 
of Connecticut is in many respects of great interest and 
importance ; but it will be convenient to consider the 
more significant of the controversies which arose in other 

The Indian title to the soil of Connecticut was uncer- 
tain. The Mohegans held the western and central part of 
the area which is now comprised in the State of Connecti- 
cut. To the east, the Narragansetts inhabited the greater 
part of the mainland of what is now the State of Rhode 
Island. Between these two strong Indian tribes lived the 
Pequots and sundry smaller tribes which were nominally 
tributary to them. At one time, the Connecticut River 
Indians requested the English to come and settle on their 
tribal lands, probably in the hope that the whites would 
defend them against their more powerful enemies. The 
Connecticut settlers soon found themselves involved in 
difficulties with the Pequots and their tributary tribes. 
As has so often happened in the course of colonizing enter- 
prises, the continued prestige of the whites depended upon, 
or seemed to depend upon, the punishment of the natives, 
— and the Pequot tribe was swept from the face of the 
earth. The New England colonists undoubtedly did their 
best to deal fairly with the Indians ; but native intrigues 
and policies were too involved for their simple English 

* See Trumbull's History, i, and Ap- Connecticut " (Johns Hopkins Univer- 
pendlz i ; Colonial Records of Connect*- sity Studies, vii, No. 7). 
eta, i, 568; Andrews's "River Towns of 

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1687] THE PEQUOT WAR 403 

Connecticut and Massachusetts combined in this mission. 
The military forces were led by Captain John Mason of 
Connecticut and by the redoubtable Captain John Under- 
bill, at that moment of Massachusetts; with them was 
associated as a spiritual guide the Rev. Mr. Stone of 
Hartford. Embarking the allied troops, Mason and Under- 
bill sailed eastwardly from Saybrook, passing within sight 
of the Pequots, who had assembled at Stonington. The 
savages, seeing the ships going by, supposed that the whites 
were retiring from the Connecticut Valley; they were 
inexperienced in the military capacity of Captains Mason 
and Underhill and the Rev. Mr. Stone of Hartford. Before 
starting out, these had held a coimcil of war, at which 
two plans had been suggested. As the military men could 
reach no conclusion, they requested Mr. Stone to pray. 
He spent most of that night in prayer. The next morning 
he sought Captain Mason and assured him that he was 
entirely satisfied with the plan of approaching the Pequots* 
stronghold from the direction of Narragansett Bay. Mason 
and Underhill took from the Connecticut River, besides the 
white soldiers, a band of Mohegan warriors. In the Narra- 
gansett country they procured the services of a more 
numerous body of Narragansett braves. Approaching the 
Pequots' stronghold, just before the break of day, the 
white soldiers advanced to the attack while their red allies 
waited in the rear to pick off any escaping Pequots. The 
surprise was complete, but the whites soon became scat- 
tered among the wigwams, inside the fort. Disaster 
seemed impending, when it occurred to them to set fire 
to the village. The Pequots perished by the hundreds 
in the flames or at the hands of the whites or their savage 
allies ; seven were captured and seven escaped. The war 
begun in this way was vigorously prosecuted, until the 

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Pequots as a nation ceased to exist. As a rule, Indian 
warfare is barren of valuable lessons, but this episode in 
New England history is characteristic of the thoroughness 
with which the New Englanders of that day performed 
their tasks. The curious reader who wishes to note the 
doings of the New England counterpart of Cromwell's 
Ironsides will do well to read the extremely interesting 
accounts written by the commanders in the campaign. 1 

The Pequot War and the necessary labor in providing 
houses and clearing the fields put off for years the settling 
of the constitution. In the early days of the movement 
to the Connecticut Valley the Massachusetts government 
had appointed a constable to preserve order in the new 
settlement. When the increasing size of the Connecticut 
towns made more complicated machinery necessary Mas- 
sachusetts authorized the leaders of the migration to 
exercise powers of government until further order should 
be made. This commission, of course, had no validity 
outside the limits of Massachusetts, but where those limits 
were no one then knew, and doubtless the majority 
of the colonists cared little about its legal status. At 
all events Ludlow and the magistrates carried on the gov- 
ernment for some time under this commission with the 
sanction of public opinion. In January, 1638-89, the " in- 
habitants and residents" of Windsor, Wethersfield, and 
Hartford met at the last-named place and adopted eleven 
orders, which enjoy the distinction of being the first 
written political constitution in which the functions of 
government are formulated in detail. The earlier Pilgrim 
compact and the fundamental laws of the Rhode Island 
towns were rather in the nature of social compacts and 

i Captain John Mason's " Brief His- Second Series, viii, 120-153 ; Captain John 
tory of the Pequot War " is in Massachu- Underbill's " News from America " is in 
setts Historical Society's Collections, ibid., Third Series, vi, 1-28. 

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followed closely the phraseology of the Church covenants 
of that time. The Connecticut orders, on the other hand, 
are phrased like the later constitutions and have their rise 
in legal and not in ecclesiastical precedents. 

By this constitution, the "inhabitants and residents" 
of the three towns, well knowing that the word of God 
requireth that "there should be an orderly and decent 
government established according to God," entered into 
a combination together "to maintain and preserve the 
liberty and purity of the gospel of our Lord Jesus, which 
we now profess, as also the discipline of the Churches, 
which, according to the truth of said gospel is now 
practiced amongst us." 1 In their civil affairs they were 
to be guided and governed according to the orders which 
were then formulated. These provided that two General 
Courts should be held in each year, at one of which the 
public officers should be chosen by those who had " been 
admitted inhabitants by the major part of the town where 
they live, or the major part of such as shall be then pres- 
ent" and have also taken the oath of fidelity. 9 By this 
section the qualification for voters was the election by those 
who already enjoyed the franchise. In 1658-59 this ar- 
rangement was modified so as to require personal estate 
to the value of thirty pounds. In 1662 the money require- 

* Church and State were always in- Code of 1660, titles " Ecclesiastical " 

timately connected in Connecticut. In and " Ministers Maintenance," with the 

1644 the General Court provided that any earlier Massachusetts enactments in 

person who refused to contribute a Whitmore's Laws of 1660, 
"meet proportion" for the support of * In 1666-67 the General Court voted 

the ministry might be rated by authority that " those that shall hereafter be made 

and compelled by the civil power to pay free, shall have an affirmative certificate 

the assessment. Attendance at the town under the hands of all or the major part 

religious service was compulsory. In of the deputies in their several towns, of 

point of fact in these matters, as in their peaceable and honest conversation, 

others, the General Assembly of Con- and those and only those of them which 

necticut adopted the laws of Massachu- the General Court shall approve shall be 

setts— even using the same phraseology. made freemen. 11 — Colonial Records of 

Compare, for example, the Connecticut Connecticut f i, 290. 

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ment was reduced one third, but a certificate of honest and 
peaceable conversation from the major part of the towns- 
men was required, and even then the candidate might be 
refused admission to the franchise by the General Court. 
There is no religious qualification set forth in so many 
words, but having in mind the preamble which has been 
partly quoted above, it seems improbable that persons who 
were not prepared to maintain and preserve the purity of 
the gospel and the discipline of the churches then in exist- 
ence, would have had much chance of securing the votes 
of the major part of the inhabitants of his town or of 
those who were present at the Court of Election ; or to 
put it in another way, it is altogether unlikely that a 
Baptist, or an Episcopalian, or a Roman Catholic, or even 
an Antinomian could have secured the right to vote in 
Connecticut in the year 1640, or for many years thereafter. 
The election of officers was to be by papers, as was then 
the case in Massachusetts, and there was to be a previous 
nomination to office, as was also the case in the Bay 
Colony. The governor must be a member of some 
approved congregation "and formerly of the magistracy 
within this jurisdiction," and all the magistrates and 
deputies must be freemen. The apportionment of repre- 
sentation was on the town basis ; the three original towns 
were to send four deputies each, and later towns to have 
as many as the General Court from time to time might 
determine. The General Court should consist of the gov- 
ernor, and at least four magistrates, and the major part of 
the deputies, except in such cases where the governor had 
refused to summon it, in which exigency the deputies 
could legislate by themselves. The General Court, how- 
ever convened, should exercise " the supreme power of the 
commonwealth, and they only shall have power to make 

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laws or repeal them, to grant levies, to admit freemen, to 
dispose of lands undisposed of," to question magistrates, 
and, in general, to deal in any matter that concerns the 
good of the commonwealth except only the election of 
magistrates, which shall be done by the whole body of 
freemen. Such, in brief, was this celebrated constitution 
which, in effect, did little more than to formulate on paper 
the existing government of Massachusetts Bay. It will be 
noticed that in one part of the constitution the suffrage 
might be conferred by the inhabitants of the several towns, 
while in another part this right is reserved to the General 
Court. In the early days the power to admit inhabitants 
and thereby to confer the franchise was exercised by the 
several towns, but this right was later restricted by 
action of the General Court. 1 In 1639 the Connecticut 
General Court adopted, almost in its entirety, the town 
system of Massachusetts as it had been developed up to 
the date of the emigration. Curiously enough, in the 
course of time, it fell out that Massachusetts grew away 
from its early institutional arrangements in town and 
commonwealth, while Connecticut held fast to those 
that had been established at the outset. No state, 
indeed, has more steadfastly and consistently held to 
the ideas of the fathers than has Connecticut. 

The colony of New Haven had its rise in the action of 
two strong and influential men, John Davenport and 
Theophilus Eaton. They had been friends since they 
attended the same school at Coventry, and in London had 
sustained the relation of pastor and principal parishioner. 
For years Eaton had been interested in plans of coloniza- 
tion, and had ventured many score pounds sterling in the 
Massachusetts Bay Company. It was not, however, until 

* See Note III. 

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Archbishop Laud had driven Davenport from his cure that 
the plan of founding a colony in New England was taken 
up in earnest. In 1637 two vessels sailed into Boston har- 
bor, bringing to the New World these men, and a strong 
group of immigrants who had determined to abide with 
them. Disembarking at Boston, the newcomers found 
lodgings and employment in the thriving Bay Colony 
during the autumn, winter, and spring of 1637-38, while 
the leaders searched for a suitable site for their settlement. 
The Massachusetts men were anxious to retain Davenport 
and Eaton in the midst, and the people of Newbury went 
so far as to offer to abandon their houses and cleared lands 
to these orthodox sojourners. Davenport and Eaton de- 
clined these offers. They wished to work out their salva- 
tion in their own way, and may also have thought that at 
New Haven their doings would be unknown to Archbishop 
Laud, and therefore would not be interfered with. Possi- 
bly reasons of a material kind may have exercised a de- 
termining influence. 1 It cannot be said, however, that 
Davenport idled away his time in Massachusetts Bay, as 
he was one of the most ardent of the assessors who aided 
Wilson and Shepard in their contest with Mrs. Anne 

It was the spring of 1638 when Davenport and his 
flock sailed from Boston for Quinnipiac, or Quill ipiac as 
the word was often spelled in those days. Like the 
Rhode Island and Connecticut settlers, they were " squat- 
ters " on the land in that they seem to have had no patent 
from the king, either directly or indirectly, and they did not 

1 See, for example, Davenport and same letter U reprinted in Winthrop's 

Eaton to the Massachusetts authorities, New England, i, 404, and again, from the 

" 12th day of the first moneth, 1638," same original, in Bulletin of the New 

in Massachusetts Historical Society's York Public Library, iii, 393. 
Collections, Third Series, iii, 165. The 

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even purchase their lands of the Indians. They simply 
settled at New Haven and trusted to the future — which 
proved to be unfortunate. They chose the site of their 
new home with the intention of making it the commercial 
center of the New World. They built substantial houses 
and embarked on commercial ventures, but were not 
successful. The natural center of commerce of that re- 
gion was Manhattan Island, and it was too near New 
Haven for the latter to develop independent trade. At 
length (1646) they built a " great ship," freighted her with 
wheat, hides, beaver, and plate to the total value of five 
thousand pounds, and dispatched her for London, where 
the treasure was to be turned into trading goods by 
means of which reluctant commerce might once more be 
wooed. The "great ship" sailed away and has never 
been heard from since. Once her ghostly shape appeared, 
with masts, and tackling trim, sailing into the harbor, 
and then faded away before the watcher's eyes. 1 

From an institutional point of view, the history of New 
Haven is interesting as showing a Bible Commonwealth 
of the extremest type in process of formation. On June, 
1639, the "free planters" of New Haven assembled in 
Mr. Newman's barn. Mr. Davenport addressed them and 
laid before them certain propositions, which he had for- 
mulated in advance and to which they now agreed. 
These propositions were briefly as follows : (1) that the 
Scriptures are a sufficient guide in all affairs of life; 
(2) that the assembled free planters agree to be bound 
thereby ; (3) that they all wish to be admitted members of 
a church ; (4) that they feel obliged to establish such order 
as should conduce to the best good of the church ; (5) that 

1 Winthrop's New England, ft, 328. sereral versions of the appearance of 
Atwater, in his History of New Haven this phantom ship. 
(Appendix iii), has brought together 

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only church members should be free burgesses or freemen, 
in other words, that the franchise should be confined to 
church members. So far these propositions would prob- 
ably have been accepted by most New Englanders of 
that time outside of Rhode Island. It is in the sixth 
that the Brahminicai caste of New Haven's institutions 
appears. This was, in effect, that the free planters should 
choose out of their number twelve men, who should select 
from themselves seven to be the first church members and, 
therefore, the first free burgesses. In order to understand 
the oligarchical nature of New Haven's constitution, it 
should be borne in mind that only the "free planters" 
were assembled in Mr. Newman's barn, although the pre- 
cise meaning of the phrase " free planters " is not certain. 
It is well ascertained, however, that there were many 
servants, and even persons who were not servants, in New 
Haven who would not be comprised in any such descrip- 
tion. Be that as it may, all power in Church and State 
was now in the hands of seven persons, who could pick 
and choose from the other free planters those whom they 
thought worthy of admission to the Church and govern- 
ment of the State. There was only one church in the 
colony. The only way in which the colony could grow, 
therefore, was by the establishment of other churches and 
their combination with the New Haven Church and State 
in a federal union. 

The government which was formed in this way was 
unique in New England, because in Massachusetts Bay, 
except for a few years, the principal inhabitants in each 
town voted in town meeting, whether they were freemen 
of the corporation or not, although only such as were also 
freemen could vote for the members of the general govern- 

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Other churches and towns were soon established in the 
vicinity of New Haven, and for some years this federative 
ecclesiastical republic led a vigorous and on the whole prof- 
itable existence, although disputes with the Dutch and 
commercial failures were not infrequent. The New Ha- 
venites did not succeed in securing a charter from the king, 
or even a patent from the Earl of Warwick. The conse- 
quence of this was that, when Connecticut obtained her 
charter from Charles II, New Haven was absorbed within 
the bounds of the larger colony. In these ways it came 
about that from the numerous isolated settlements which 
were made south of Massachusetts, only two colonies had 
a legal existence in 1668. These were Connecticut and the 
colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. 

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L Bibliography of Rhode Island. — Clarence S. Brigham's "Bibli- 
ography of Rhode Island History " (Appendix to the third volume of 
Field's Rhode Island) is well arranged and includes titles as late 
as 1901. The " Records " of Rhode Island, Providence Plantations, 
and Warwick were edited by Mr. Bartlett and in some cases possi- 
bly revised by him. The "Court Records " were not included in 
this publication; they have never been printed and have seldom 
been studied. The local records of Providence have been printed 
in great detail, and the records of Portsmouth have been published 
under the editorship of Mr. Brigham. 

There is no adequate history of Rhode Island, all of the books 
so far produced being full of prejudice against Massachusetts. 
Arnold's Rhode Island (N.Y. 1859-60) was a remarkable work in its 
day. Of the modern books, Clarence S. Brigham's Sketch 1 is prob- 
ably the best ; Irving B. Richman's Rhode Island : Its Making and 
Its Meaning contains some interesting bits of information not else- 
where easily accessible. 

The best account of the institutional history of Providence is 
Henry C. Dorr's Providence Proprietors and Freeholders, which forms 
the principal justification for the existence of the third and fourth 
volumes of the Publications of the Rhode Island Historical Society, 
and is also printed separately as the ninth volume of the Collections 
of the same society. 

II. Bibliography of Connecticut and New Haven. — Charles A. Flagg's 
" Reference List on Connecticut Local History " (New York State 
Library Bulletin, No. 53, December, 1900, "Bibliography, No. 23") 
contains also titles of bibliographies and general works. The public 
records of Connecticut have been edited by J. H. Trumbull and 
C. J. Hoadly in fifteen volumes. Of almost equal authority is 
Benjamin Trumbull's History of Connecticut,* which was based on 
much documentary evidence that is no longer accessible ; unfortu- 
nately it stops with the year 1764 Hollister's Connecticut is more 
complete in point of ground covered, but is not always trustworthy. 
C. M. Andrews's "River Towns of Connecticut " (Johns Hopkins 

1 This forms the first part of vol. i of * Originally published in 1818 in two 

Edward Field's State of Rhode Island and volumes without an index ; reprinted in 

Providence Plantations at the End of the 1898 with an index and a different pagi- 

Century : A History (Boston, 1902). nation. 

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University Studies) is the best account of the early settlements from 
the institutional and political point of view. Alexander Johnston's 
" Connecticut," in the Commonwealth Series, is a keen study of a 
political phenomenon and sometimes betrays a curious lack of 
knowledge of American history in the colonial period. 

Connecticut is rich in local history. New Haven, 1 with a natural 
pride in its separate settlement, has its own Colonial Records and 
Historical Society. Atwater's History of the Colony of New Haven 
and C. H. Levermore's Republic of New Haven are among the best 
books of their class. Other notable local histories which in some 
sort supply the defect of more formal general works, are Bernard C. 
Steiner's Guilford and Madison, Frances M. Caulkins's New London, 
and Ellen D. Larned's Windham County and Historic Gleanings in 
Windham County. 

HI. Suffrage in Early Connecticut. — Professor C. M. Andrews, in 
his valuable and stimulating monograph on the River Towns of 
Connecticut (p. 85) gives one to understand that " universal suf- 
frage " prevailed in Connecticut. This was possibly the case at first, 
owing, in part at least, to the fact that the population of that colony 
in the early days was singularly homogeneous ; when, however, alien 
elements became threatening, the assembly thought it necessary to 
hedge about the franchise with restrictions. Moreover, as stated in 
the text, there appears to have been always a religious qualification in 
the background. The problems of government in Massachusetts, with 
the great stream of immigration constantly pouring in from England, 
were very different from those which prevailed in the slow-growing 
settlements in Connecticut. Professor Andrews has fallen into 
the habit of Connecticut writers of calling the Massachusetts people 
Puritans, as though the settlers of Connecticut and New Haven 
were any less entitled to that honorable designation than were 
those of Massachusetts. 

1 On the absorption of New Haven by on John Davenport by Franklin B. Dez- 

Connecticut, see B. C. Steiner in Ameri- ter in New Haven Historical Society's 

can Historical Association's Paper$ for Papers, ii, 206. 
1891, p. 209. There is a valuable article 

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Besides the settlements whose history has just been 
traced in some detail, the States of New Hampshire and 
Maine had their beginnings in the first half of the seven- 
teenth century. The origin of New Hampshire is found 
in a grant from the Council for New England to Captain 
John Mason, 1 follower and friend of the Duke of Bucking- 
ham, — it was in his house at Portsmouth, England, that 
Buckingham was stabbed to death by John Felton. Mason 
was also a friend of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and he and 
Gorges obtained other grants under which the first settle- 
ments were made on the coast of Maine. Later, following 
the example of the Massachusetts patentees, both of these 
men secured charters from the crown, confirming them in 
their lands and giving them authority to govern those sub- 
jects of the king who might settle within their limits. The 
Pilgrims had a trading post on the Kennebec River, and 
there were other settlements on the coast and possibly 
even inland. Some of the early colonists of New Hamp- 
shire and of Maine came direct from England, others 
drifted northward from the settlements in what we now 
call Massachusetts. The number of persons living in 
New Hampshire and Maine in 1649 was not large, and 
Massachusetts at one time or another took them under her 
government, usually with the consent of the majority of 

1 This Captain John Mason should be carefully distinguished from the Con- 
necticut colonist. 


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the inhabitants. In this way their institutions developed 
without presenting any peculiar features of very great 
interest to the student of this first half century of New 
England history. 

In 1643 the colonies of Massachusetts Bay, New Plym- 
outh, Connecticut, and New Haven entered into a federal 
union which is known in history as the United Colonies of 
New England or as the New England Confederation. The 
reasons why Maine and Rhode Island were not admitted 
to this federation are stated by John Winthrop and Elder 
Brewster. As to Maine, Winthrop says, "Those of Sir 
Ferdinando Gorge his province, beyond Pascataquack, 
were not received nor called into the confederation, 
because they ran a different course from us both in their 
ministry and civil administration; for they had lately 
made Acomenticus (a poor village) a corporation, and had 
made a tailor their mayor, and had entertained one Hull, 
an excommunicated person and very contentious, for their 
minister." Plainly colonists who elected tailors for the 
chief officers of their corporation were out of place as 
allies of a state of which John Winthrop was the leading 
man, nor did the rulers of Massachusetts desire contentious 
persons as companions. As to the people of Rhode Island, 
the Pilgrim leader wrote, « Concerning the Islanders we 
have no conversing with them, nor desire to have, further 
than necessity or humanity may require." 1 At a later 
time, indeed, certain of the foremost men of Massachusetts 
more than once referred to Rhode Island as " that sink " 
or " sewer." It will be recalled that it was in this year, 
1643, that Roger Williams went to England to secure from 
the Puritan authorities there protection for Rhode Island 
against the members of the New England Confederation. 

* Deane's Bradford, 388. 

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416 • NEW ENGLAND IN 1649 [Ch. XV 

The reasons for the formation of this federal bond are 
stated at length in the preamble of the Articles of Con- 
federation, and may be summarized as follows: (1) 
the contracting parties all came to America with one and 
the same end and aim, — to advance the Christian religion 
and " to enjoy the liberties of the gospel in purity with 
peace," in other words to worship God as they saw fit ; 
(2) the dispersed condition of the plantations which pre- 
vented the formation of one government; (3) the pos- 
sibility of war with the French on the north, with the 
Dutch on the west, or with the Indians in their midst. 
The formation of this confederation had been long in 
contemplation; the reason for the consummation of the 
plan at this time is given us by Winthrop, when he writes 
that doubts had arisen about the advisability of the mag- 
istrates taking an oath to " bear true faith and allegiance 
to our sovereign Lord, King Charles, seeing that he had 
violated the privilege of Parliament and had lost much of 
his kingdom and many of his subjects." " Whereupon," 
adds Winthrop, " it was thought fit to omit that part of 
it for the present." The meaning of this is tolerably 
clear ; the king was in so much trouble at home that the 
colonists in America could do as they pleased without 
fear of the courts at Westminster or the council chamber 
at Whitehall. 

Affairs being thus ripe for the formation of a federal 
constitution, commissioners came to Boston from Plymouth, 
New Haven, and Connecticut, including Saybrook. These, 
with the committee appointed by the General Court of 
Massachusetts, consulted together, and after having "en- 
countered some difficulties" yielded each to the other 
and formulated the Articles of Confederation. The 
Plymouth delegates had no power to sign as had the 

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delegates from the other colonies; but the federal pact 
was ratified by the General Court of New Plymouth 
Colony at its next meeting. By these articles the United 
Colonies entered into a firm and perpetual league of 
friendship for offense and defense, for propagating the 
truth and liberties of the gospel, and for their own mutual 
safety and welfare. Each colony was to retain its " pecul- 
iar jurisdiction," with which the general government of 
the confederation was on no account to intermeddle. 
The carrying on of the business of the new government 
was intrusted to eight commissioners who should be 
chosen annually, two from each colony, and any six of 
whom should have power to act. Probably the arrange- 
ment of this part of the constitution gave rise to the 
« difficulties " referred to on the preceding page, for 
Massachusetts, although having as large a population and 
possessing more wealth than the other three colonies put 
together, was not only to have the same number of com- 
missioners as the smallest colony, but was to be bound 
by what the commissioners from the other three colonies 
should agree to. It is indeed extraordinary that the 
authorities of Massachusetts Bay were willing to enter 
into such a one-sided arrangement. One concession was 
made to her in the provision which gave to Boston two 
meetings of the commissioners out of every five; other- 
wise, the meetings should be held in the several colonies 
in succession, unless some « middle place " be found which 
should be commodious for them all. As a matter of fact, 
no " middle place " was discovered ; and, remembering 
the sturdy character of the early New England colonists, 
it is doubtful if the pressure of public opinion at Boston 
or the generous hospitality of residents of the most im- 
portant town of New England affected in any marked 

TOL. I. — 2B 

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418 NEW ENGLAND IN 1649 [Ch. XV 

degree the action of the commissioners from the other 
jurisdictions. Nevertheless, the fact that the framers of 
the articles had in mind the establishment of a federal 
capital is interesting as showing that they contemplated 
the founding of a stronger and more permanent organi- 
zation than that which actually came into being. 

The grant of authority contained in the articles was very 
large and included full power to determine affairs of war 
or peace, division of spoils, reception of new confederates, 
" and all things of like nature, which are the proper con- 
comitants or consequents of such a confederation for 
amity, offense, and defense." The commissioners were 
all of them to be church members and at their meetings 
should choose one of their number to act as president. 
This officer was simply to serve as moderator and was 
to have no power to hinder the progress of business " or 
any way cast the scales otherwise than in the precedent 
is agreed." Besides having the right to decide certain 
matters, as has already been stated, the commissioners 
were further to endeavor to frame agreements, in general 
cases, of a civil nature, for preserving the peace among 
the confederates, for securing the speedy passage of justice 
in every jurisdiction to all the members of the confedera- 
tion, and for the management of Indian affairs. It was 
under this clause in the articles that the commissioners 
in 1650 advised the several jurisdictions to pass identical 
laws for securing the support of the ministry, and to use 
the power of the State to compel payment of taxes for 
this purpose. The article which contains the grant of 
power which has just been described also has the cele- 
brated provision for the rendition of fugitive servants 
and criminals which has been regarded as the prototype 
of the fugitive slave laws of a later time. 

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The consent of six of the eight commissioners was ordi- 
narily required for the carrying out of the purposes of the 
confederation. The geographical distribution of the four 
colonies, however, made it necessary to provide that, in 
the case of sudden invasion, the commissioners of two 
jurisdictions might order out the military forces nearest 
at hand and send for aid to the other members of the 
confederation; but in the final determination of the jus- 
tice of the war and the defraying of the expenses, six 
commissioners must agree. 

The makers of the articles realized that, after all, the 
New England Puritans were human beings, which some 
later writers appear not to have done. They provided, 
therefore, that in case any of the confederates should act 
contrary to the articles or should injure the people of 
one or the other of the jurisdictions, the commissioners 
of those colonies which were not parties to the dispute 
should act as a court of arbitration. Considering the 
lack of experience which the framers of this federal pact 
necessarily had in the drawing up of a constitution, this- 
document is a remarkable production. It did not put 
a final ending to disputes between the four colonies, and 
it sometimes proved to be unsuited to the exigencies of 
the time. Nevertheless, the articles continued without 
amendment for forty years; they carried New England 
successfully through the fiercest Indian war of the seven- 
teenth century. Had the Confederation been in existence 
in the next century, it is very possible that the northern 
colonies might have been saved much of the misery of the 
French and Indian Wars. 

The inequality of the equal representation in the board 
of commissioners was certain to cause trouble ; in no long 
time it led Massachusetts to refuse to obey the mandate of 

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420 NEW ENGLAND IN 1649 [Ch. XV 

the constituted authorities of the Confederation. It was in 
May, 1653, that the commissioners, on account of approach- 
ing war with the Dutch, voted that five hundred soldiers 
should be raised, 1 and apportioned them among the colonies 
in such a way that Massachusetts should provide two thirds 
of them, although in the board she possessed only one quar- 
ter of the votes and was the least exposed to attack or 
loss. Massachusetts also felt doubts as to the justice of 
the war, in view of the fact that the charge of ill faith 
brought against the Dutch authorities rested largely on 
the testimony of Indians. The Massachusetts General 
Court refused to pass the necessary votes to raise and 
equip these men. It declared that, under the Articles of 
Confederation, the General Courts of the several jurisdic- 
tions were at liberty to act in every case according to their 
consciences, which was a seventeenth-century way of assert- 
ing what came to be called later the doctrine of nullifica- 
tion. After a somewhat acrimonious correspondence, in 
which the representatives of the smaller colonies plainly 
advanced the idea of delegated sovereignty, the Massachu- 
setts authorities informed the commissioners that they saw 
no reason to protract a fruitless and needless discussion 
and committed the matter to God. From this time Mas- 
sachusetts judged for herself whether the acts of the com- 
missioners were « just and according to God " * or the 
reverse, and obeyed or disobeyed accordingly. 

1 Plymouth Colony Records, x, 33. and the smaller colonies unless Connecti- 
s Plymouth Colony Records, x, 74-88. cut drew back. In another case, Mas- 
Two other episodes are worth noting: sachnsetts refused to levy war against a 
the first a discussion as to whether Con- too active Indian chief named Ninegret, 
necticut was justified in taxing Massa- on the ground that there did not seem to 
chusetts people at Springfield for the be sufficient reason for so doing. These 
defense of the mouth of the river. The cases are easily found in the volume last 
six commissioners of the smaller colonies mentioned; reference should also be 
thought that she was; Massachusetts made to the second volume of the Mas- 
thought otherwise and threatened to sachusetts Colony Records. 
tax all the commerce between herself 

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New England history not only furnishes the precedent 
for later schemes of federal government ; it is also of great 
interest from the standpoint of the development of local 
institutions. The English colonization of America came 
at a time when the popular local administrative bodies 
in England retained a good measure of vitality. In the 
reigns of Elizabeth, James, and Charles, the political 
struggle was for the mastery of the central government. 
The opposition party comprised those political leaders who 
were hostile to the policies of the reigning monarchs in 
both Church and State. These men were powerful in the 
counties, the towns, and the parishes ; they imposed upon 
Virginia representative institutions and in New England 
worked out the problem of local self-government In 
America the conditions made for true representative 
government and the development of a large measure of 
local liberty. It fell out, therefore, that colonial institu- 
tions reproduced popular forms which were dying out in 
the home land and from this beginning developed on lines 
radically unlike those which prevailed in England. The 
early Stuarts and the Puritan rulers of England were so 
fully occupied with English politics that they had no time 
* to interfere with this growth and, indeed, were probably 
unconscious of it Fifty years of freedom gave the Eng- 
lish-American colonists their opportunities. 

In Elizabeth's time the central government, to a very 
great extent, ruled by the influence which the queen and 
the councilors, either singly or collectively, exercised over 
the local magistrates and the local governing bodies. The 
manorial system had ceased to have much vitality; the 
power was now centered in the lords lieutenants, the county 
justices, the cities, towns corporate, unincorporated towns 
and parishes, all of these last being generally described as 

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422 NEW ENGLAND IN 1649 [Ch. XV 

towns. The Reformation and the accompanying dissolu- 
tion of the monasteries threw new burdens upon the local 
governing bodies and made their control, financially and 
politically, worth while. For this reason the Church con- 
tended vigorously and with a measure of success for the 
leading part in the local administrative bodies. New Eng- 
land happened to be settled very largely by colonists from 
those portions of England where popular control still con- 
tinued. It was in Ipswich, for example, that the church- 
wardens were dismissed from office and fined for speaking 
disrespectfully of the people ; it was at Boston, England, 
that efforts were made to limit the secularization of the 
Lord's day by providing that no tradesman or butcher 
should sell on that day, especially during divine service, 
under penalty of ten shillings. 1 

The most interesting of the local organizations was the 
common law parish. Originally it was an ecclesiastical 
division, coextensive in boundaries with the civil adminis- 
trative unit. The decay of feudalism and the transference 
of the headship of the Church from the Pope to the king 
had transformed the parish. The monarch no longer 
summoned his feudal vassals only ; now he also wrote to 
the towns and parishes for their quotas of armed men. 
The crossbow, the longbow, and the brown bill were used 
as late as the Civil Wars of the seventeenth century, and 
the foot soldiers of Miles Standish's day in both England 
and America, while » on the march, were weighted down 
with iron breasts and backs and headpieces or "pots," 
as they were commonly termed. In the colonies, however, 
the agility of the savages made it necessary to provide a 
lighter equipment, and it was soon found that a quilted 
coat, instead of an iron cuirass, sufficed to turn an Indian 

i " Boston Assembly Book/' Ms. 

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arrow. With the weapons of the Middle Ages there lin- 
gered also some of its traditions ; at Edgehill, for example, 
William le Neve, Clarencieux Herald, officially summoned 
the Parliamentary army to surrender, "and did it with 
great marks of fear, having a feeling sense of danger." In 
the battle itself a Royalist, Sir John Southcote, captured 
a Parliamentary captain ; he released him upon receiving, 
as ransom, a fine horse and suit of armor, — much to the 
displeasure of the king. 

The " church armor," as the parish military equipment 
was termed, in peaceful days hung on the walls of the 
parish church, save when it was taken down to be cleaned 
or "dighted." From time to time the church wardens 
replaced wornout parts and purchased new daggers, pikes, 
and swords; the imminence of war might be calculated 
with surprising accuracy by tabulating the entries in the 
churchwarden's account books for the purchase of military 
supplies. The parish was not only obliged to find the 
soldier and equip him, but also had to pay his expenses to 
the meeting place and sometimes to pay another man to 
go with the soldier to show him the way or to see that he 
did not desert. When the war was over there were sick, 
wounded, and maimed soldiers and sailors to be maintained 
by the parish, for these local bodies were obliged to care 
for them as well as for those civilians who could no longer 
maintain themselves. 

In the older time, before the Reformation, indigent and 
impotent persons were cared for by the church authorities, 
or by private charity, or were licensed to beg. With the 
dissolution of the monasteries and the confiscation of 
church funds, many of these sources of relief dried up, 
and at about the same time beggars and vagabonds began 
to be dealt with more strictly. The government sought 

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424 NEW ENGLAND IN 1649 [Ch. XV 

to place the burden of caring for the poor upon the local 
administrative units, but did not hand over to the parishes 
and towns those portions of the ecclesiastical funds which 
had been used to alleviate suffering. At first no general 
compulsory law was passed, but an effort was made to 
raise the necessary money by means of more or less vol- 
untary contributions; but those who were backward in 
giving were to be reasoned with by the various church 
authorities from the parson and churchwardens of the 
parish to the bishop of the diocese. If one remained 
obstinate, the justices of the peace or the mayor of the 
city should charitably and gently move the « said obsti- 
nate person to extend his charity toward the relief of 
the poor of the parish where he dwelleth," and if he still 
remained obstinate, he should pay such sum as the mag- 
istrates thought reasonable or go to jail. This means of 
supply proved precarious, probably because the obstinate 
persons who had money and the magistrates whose busi- 
ness it was to coerce them belonged to the same class 
of society. After many experiments, in 1598 Parliament 
placed the responsibility of the care of the poor upon 
the parishes or towns, and in case they failed to raise 
such sums as seemed reasonable to the county court, the 
justices could themselves rate the parishioners or, at 
their discretion, join a poor parish with a rich one, or a 
parish which had been overcome by some calamity with a 
parish which had been more fortunate, thereby equalizing 
the burden. The result of this poor law, which was made 
permanent in 1601, was to make the town and parish or- 
ganization vastly more important than it had been before. 
Furthermore, it compelled the towns and parishes to guard 
themselves jealously against incoming strangers, so that 
members of the laboring classes became practically tied 

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to the locality where they happened to come into the 

The parishes discharged their obligations by a separate 
tax levy, which was known as the poor rate. In some 
places, however, gifts of money or of land were held in 
trust for the relief of the poor, sometimes being invested 
in a flock of sheep. Persistent attempts were also made 
to compel the poor to become self-supporting, by spinning 
flax or working up other raw material, which was pro- 
vided at public charge ; in Boston in 1595, twenty boys 
and maidens were so employed. At Northampton another 
course was taken. There the poor children were turned 
over to Roger Williams, pin maker, who paid the parish 
twelvepence per week for each child, and in return was 
permitted to work them from seven in the morning until 
six or eight in the evening. Whatever plan was tried, 
some other scheme was certain to seem preferable in 
no long time. The burden was unquestionably heavy. 
Strangers were carefully looked after. In Boston, for 
instance, it was provided that an inquiry should be made 
every fortnight as to all newcomers, and those who were 
likely to become chargeable be removed from the town ; 
and no householder was permitted to let a dwelling to 
any " foreigner " unless he first obtained a license. 1 The 
communal spirit rapidly strengthened, and we find that at 
Ipswich no one could sell a house to a stranger without 
permission of the authorities, and at one time, indeed, no 
inhabitant of Northampton was permitted to sell corn 
to any outsider. Moreover, in years of threatened scarcity, 
the towns sometimes purchased food stuffs in quantity, 
and doled them out at cost price to the inhabitants of the 

* See aleo Pittington Records, 1622, and Houghton Records, 1668. 

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426 NEW ENGLAND IN 1649 [Ch. XV 

In each parish there was one ecclesiastical edifice which 
was taken care of at the expense of the parishioners, and 
in which every man, woman, and child in the town was 
obliged to attend divine service, or incur certain penal- 
ties ascertained by law. This requirement applied to all 
persons, whether they were Conformists, Nonconformists, 
Independents, or Roman Catholics. Every one was ex- 
pected to attend the religious service provided by the State. 1 
The affairs of the parish were managed by the church- 
wardens and vestrymen, aided and guided by the parson. 
The tendency was to increase the amount of hierarchical 
control, but at the time of the settlement of Massachu- 
setts the secular element was still powerful. It is espe- 
cially worthy of note in this connection that in the 
management of local affairs in New England the parson 
had no official recognition, as he had in England, and 
exercised only such power in town affairs as his per- 
sonal influence gave him. It was natural that it should 
be so because the Puritan movement was largely a revolt 
of the landed gentry against clerical control; Winthrop, 
Saltonstall, and Bellingham, were not likely to establish 
in America that influence which they left England to 

The Massachusetts colonists brought with them to their 
new homes the ideas with which they had been familiar 
from their childhood. We may suppose that William 
Coddington and Richard Bellingham in the Massachusetts 
town meeting argued for the restrictions with which they 
had been familiar in the older Boston. So too did those 
who came from Ipswich and Dorchester, England, to 
Ipswich and Dorchester, Massachusetts. Sometimes a 
whole parish, parson and all, removed to Massachusetts, 

i For a detailed discussion of the religious laws, eee above, p. 246. 

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thereby upsetting all the social and ecclesiastical arrange- 
ments of that part of the country. 

The religious edifice of the New England town was known 
locally as the meetinghouse. As in England, it was the 
center of local life in Church and State. In it were held 
the town meetings, as the parish meetings were held in the 
parish churches of England, and to it on the Lord's day 
came every dweller in the village unless prevented by 
some serious illness. It also served as a convenient place 
in which to store the town's stock of powder and extra 
military equipment ; but, owing to the exigencies of fron- 
tier life, every able-bodied man in the early New England 
towns was obliged to have his weapons near at hand, 
instead of hanging them on the walls of the meeting- 
houses. As was the case in England, the town took care 
of the construction and repair of the religious edifices, 
and, there being no tithes, supported the minister directly 
by taxation, to which every one was obliged to contribute. 1 
In the earlier time, the lack of tithes had been made up by 
voluntary contribution; but by 1660, throughout New Eng- 
land, except, of course, in Rhode Island, the support of the 
clergy formed a part of the regular business of the town. 

There were few, if any, indigent and impotent poor for 
the towns to take care of in earliest New England ; but 
the obligation to do so was plainly recognized from an 
early time. The towns, in the beginning, besides being 
local administrative units like the English parishes, were 
quasi corporations* endowed by the Massachusetts Bay 
Company with large tracts of land ; in later times, bodies 

1 There is an excellent article on the see an article by Andrew McF. Davis 
"Support of Religion in Plymouth and on " Corporations in the Days of the 

Massachusetts," by Samuel 8. Green, in Colony " in Colonial Society of 

American Antiquarian Society's Proceed- chusetts Publicatiotw, i, and Gray's de- 

ings for 1886, p. 86. cision in the case of Hill ve. City of Bos- 

* On the legal position of the towns, ton, Massachusetts Reports, cxril, 129. 

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428 NEW ENGLAND IN 1649 [Ch. XV 

of proprietors exercised this function. At first, however, 
a very important part of each town's business was the 
allotment of lands among the heads of families in the town. 
Over this problem, as might be expected, fierce contests were 
often waged. In Boston, for example, the more farseeing 
and, possibly, the richer men felt that it was desirable to 
reserve a portion of the town's domain for later comers. 
The other townsmen wished to divide the whole land grant 
among those on the spot. There was something to be said 
on both sides of the question, because the territory of Bos- 
ton was necessarily limited in geographical extent ; and 
yet, on the other hand, to men like Winthrop, it might 
seem to be important to reproduce in the capital of New 
England some of the social and political conditions which 
gave London a part of its place in English institutions and 
history. Similar considerations did not obtain in other 
towns ; but in all, in the years 1640-60, the feeling spread 
among the townsmen that they and their descendants 
should alone be considered in future allotments of land, 1 
so that from about 1650 the towns generally ceased to 
exercise this function. Then, however, the question of 
providing for the support of the poor became one of im- 
portance. In New England, as in the mother country, 
the communal spirit was strong and was strengthened 
by the position which the religious organization occupied in 
the social fabric. For these four reasons : (1) the pecul- 
iarities of the land system, (2) the care of the poor, (3) the 
prevalent communal ideas, and (4) the peculiar religious 
institutions of the place, it became necessary carefully to 
scrutinize the qualification of each newcomer before he 
or she was permitted to acquire legal rights.* It is for 

1 See, for example, Baton Records, * For examples of the working of 

i, 88; ii, 68. these forces, see Boston Record*, i, 37, 

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these reasons that all the New England colonists made 
stringent regulations for the exclusion of undesirable per- 
sons ; and when as in the case of Providence, for example, 
admission to the rights of inhabitancy carried with it the 
right to a share in the undivided land, the taking in of a 
newcomer might well be regarded as an act of dis- 
interestedness deserving of praise. The American nation 
in the nineteenth century, however, was so liberal in its 
policy of giving land to every immigrant that it has come 
to be a habit of historical writers to look at this matter 
from the other point of view and to stigmatize these early 
regulations of the New England colonies for preserving 
their corporate rights as alien and sedition acts on the 
supposition, probably, that they bore some resemblance to 
the famous laws of the end of the eighteenth century. 

The meetinghouse, besides serving for religious uses 
and for the secular needs of the inhabitants, was some- 
times occupied during the week by the town school. 
The settlers of New England were well educated, for in 
the time of the early Stuarts elementary education in 
England was widely diffused. 1 It is, indeed, astonishing 
to turn over in one's mind the names of persons of learn- " 
ing in those days. Shakespeare and Hooker, William 
Bradford and John Winthrop, Captain John Smith and 
George Sandys, six men of different attainments and 
scenes of activity, probably received their first intel- 
lectual impulses in the local schools of their boyhoods' 
homes. Another way of showing how rapidly educa- 
tion was spreading in the first colonizing period is to 

90, 108, 136; il, 7, 11, 16, 44, 49, 148; other form used for warning an undesirable 

entries may be found in the index under person out of town may be seen in Early 

8trangers; and the Massachusetts Colony Records of Lancaster (Massachusetts), 

Law of 1651, Whttmore's Law* of 1672, 89. 

p. 143, and index under Strangers. The 1 See Note U. 

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430 NEW ENGLAND IN 1649 [Ch. XV 

note the increasing number of convicted felons who es- 
caped the gallows by the process known as "benefit of 
clergy." l Complete statistics on this point of course are 
unavailable'; but the Middlesex County Records contain 
statistics which may fairly be regarded as typical. These 
show that in the reign of Edward VI only eight and one- 
half per cent of convicted felons " read like a clerk " ; in 
Mary's reign the percentage rose slightly; in Elizabeth's 
time no less than thirty-one out of every hundred success- 
fully called for the " Book " ; and in James's reign thirty- 
nine per cent escaped the felon's doom by reading the 
"neck verse." 8 

This education was confined to men, although the 
reigning monarch was a woman, and at about this time 
a woman acted as churchwarden of Tavistock, England. 
As a rule the girls grew up in ignorance of learning, with 
the result that their letters are very instructive as exam- 
ples of phonetic spelling, and as showing us how English 
was pronounced in the days of Spenser and Milton. For 
instance, Lady Sussex exhibited an ingenuity which was 
credible enough in a woman who outlived three husbands 
including in the number that Puritan nobleman, Robert 
Rich, Earl of Warwick, who is so often mentioned in 
this volume. Yorkshire, this good lady turned into 
" Oyskessher," while Lincoln's-Inn-Fields becomes "Lin- 
geslindsfilds," and "amaisismee" stands in her interest- 
ing letters for "amazes me." 

By the end of James's reign there were at least five 
hundred endowed schools in England besides many more 
which were supported entirely by public contributions. 
These schools were scattered broadcast over the land: 
in Lancashire there were forty, in Yorkshire sixty, in 

* See above, p. 186. * Middlesex County Records, li, xxxix. 

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Lincolnshire twenty, in Devonshire ten, and in Dorset- 
shire ten. Many of these were based on old founda- 
tions which had come down from pre-Reformation days 
or were reendowments which had been made to satisfy 
the conscience of some religiously minded person ; but the 
vitality of the system in early Stuart time was the out- 
come of the Renaissance and the Reformation. The local 
records contain many entries of money payments for edu- 
cational purposes. At Ipswich, for instance, Mr. Eaton 
was employed as grammar schoolmaster at an annual 
salary of thirty pounds, and in 1608, Mr. George Down- 
ing was engaged to teach the children to cipher, to cast 
accounts, and to recite the elements of grammar. In 
what would now be called the primary grades the instruc- 
tion was largely by catechizing, which consisted in an 
oral give and take between teacher and pupil. The early 
schoolbooks contain a medley of A B C D'isms, religious 
instructions, and moral precepts; for example, in the 
ABC of 1538, the first page of which is reproduced in 
Mr. Littlefield's Early Schools and School Books, is given 
the alphabet in " black letter," and the opening lines of 
the Lord's Prayer in Latin and in English. 

The English local records of that time contain many 
entries of the payment of money for school purposes ; but, 
usually, the schools were supported partly and often wholly 
by endowments. At Tavistock the parish provided a " new 
schoolhouse " in 1576, — which phrase shows that there 
had been an older schoolhouse in that parish. The new 
edifice must have been a building of some pretensions as 
it had glass windows which were still uncommon. The 
small boy of that time and place, however, resembled the 
small boy of all times and places, and in 1588 the church- 
wardens found it advisable to protect the glass windows 

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432 NEW ENGLAND IN 1649 [Ch. XV 

with wire netting. Within the building there was, at 
least, one dictionary which was chained to the desk. 

The New England settlers numbered among them a 
good proportion of university men; their religion de- 
manded a knowledge of the Bible; and the form of their 
local government shows that they assumed that the voters 
could read and write. The men of Massachusetts had 
scarcely settled themselves in the New World before they 
began the establishment of a school system on practi- 
cally the English model. 1 Many of the early schools were 
supported in part by the income of lands which were 
devoted to that purpose by the town or by the General 
Court, or were given by some private individual. In 
almost every case, however, these gifts proved insufficient 
and the deficit was made good, either by public subscrip- 
tion or by vote of the town. These schools were public 
only in the sense that they were open to the children of 
all the inhabitants of a town, but it was generally ex- 
pected that those who could afford it would pay some- 
thing for their children's tuition, but neither poverty nor 
lack of social rank in the parents excluded a boy from the 
benefit of primary education. 

The school system having been evolved by custom, as 
was so frequently the case, was recognized by the colonial 
government and made the basis of a general educational 
system by the passage of the well-known law of 1649, as 

1 The early Virginia settlers, who benefactions before 1660. In his famous 

were drawn from the same social strata report to the Privy Council, Governor 

as the New Englanders, were equally Sir William Berkeley states (Hening's 

solicitous about education. The Virginia Statutes, ii, 517) that " the same course " 

Magazine of History, the William and is taken as " in England out of towns, 

Mary Quarterly, Hening's Statutes, and every man according to his ability in- 

the records of the Virginia Company structing his children. M In other words 

contain numerous entries of gifts and the lack of communal life made a dupll- 

beqoests for educational purposes; but cation of the English town school system 

trifling results, if any, flowed from these an impossibility in the Old Dominion. 

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soon as the increasing number of remote settlements made 
it likely that some of the newer immigrants would neglect 
this part of their duty to the Commonwealth. The pre- 
amble of this act is worth reprinting as showing the 
combined religious and aesthetic motives which actuated 
the founders : — 

"It being one chief project of Sathan to keep men from the 
knowledge of the Scripture, as in the former times, keeping them 
in unknown Tongues, so in these latter times, by perswading from 
the use of Tongues, that so at least the true sense and meaning of 
the Original might be clouded and corrupted with false glosses of 
Deceivers; to the end that Learning may not be buried in the 
Graves of our fore Fathers, in Church and Common-wealth, the 
Lord assisting our endeavours." 

According to this act every township of fifty house- 
holders or more should appoint one to teach "all such 
children as shall resort to him to read and write. ,, Fur- 
thermore, when any town should increase to the number 
of one hundred families, they should set up a grammar 
school wherein youths " may be fitted for the University.'' 
It is interesting to note in this connection that the smaller 
towns were only obliged to have " writing schools," but 
they might combine with neighboring towns so that their 
brighter boys could receive secondary education. This 
general educational system of Massachusetts was adopted 
by Connecticut and New Haven and, at a considerably 
later period, by Plymouth. At the time of the Revolu- 
tion, Rhode Island, alone of the New England colonies, 
lacked a public school system, although one of the earliest 
public schools had been opened at Newport in 1640. 

Six years after the beginning of the Great Emigration, 
the General Court of Massachusetts appropriated a large 
proportion of the public revenue for the beginning of an 

VOL. I. — 2» 

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434. NEW ENGLAND IN 1649 [Ch. XV 

institution of learning at Newtowne, which name was later 
changed to Cambridge to commemorate the Alma Mater 
of three college men out of every four in the colony. Two 
years later, a young clergyman, dying at Charlestown, left 
half of his property and all of his books to the new insti- 
tution, which was appropriately named Harvard College in 
grateful recognition of John Harvard, its first private bene- 
factor. Its first class graduated four years later in 1642. 
From this beginning its reputation for piety and learning 
rapidly spread. 1 Other New England colonies contributed 
to its support, and to it came students from other parts of 
New England, from New Netherland and even from old Eng- 
land. Its curriculum would seem appalling to a modern 
college student, and its discipline savored of the English 
public school where the belief still prevailed that sparing the 
rod spoiled the child. 9 In the day when most learned men 
were clergymen and when the thought of the time centered 
in religion, it was natural that the principal interest of the 
new establishment should be ecclesiastical. As early as 
1647, however, Giles Firmin lectured upon anatomy ; and 
in the same year, possibly as an encouragement to the 
earliest medical lecturer in America, the General Court 
voted that it conceived it to be very necessary that such 
as study physic or chirurgery should have liberty to anato- 
mize once in four years some malefactor, in case there be 
such. It is to be hoped that this instruction in physic 
and chirurgery proved to be possible since those were the 

* December 27, 1645, Thomas 8hepard ling Massachusetts minister perusing the 

of Cambridge in New England wrote to Archbishop's books. See American His- 

Hngh Peters, suggesting, among other torical Review, iv, 106. 
things, that he should send some of *8ee Quincy's Harvard University. 

Laud's books to Harvard College. Interesting old college laws are printed 

Whether anything came of the proposal in Massachusetts Historical Society's 

is not known; it certainly would have Proceedings for 1870, p. 207, and ibid,, 

been an interesting sight to see a fledg- Second Series, xi, 200. 

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days when pharmaceutical knowledge relied for its efficacy 
largely on the terror which the name of a medicine inspired. 
In 1648, for example, Governor Winthrop received a paper 
from his friend, Dr. Stafford of England, containing a list 
of what were then regarded as valuable prescriptions. One 
of these consisted of the ashes of toads cremated in the 
month of March. This medicine was to be taken internally 
and might well have frightened one into health or the grave. 
In concluding his list, Dr. Stafford declared that " no man 
can with a good conscience take a fee or reward before the 
party receive benefit apparent : and then he is not to de- 
mand anything, but what God shall put into the heart of 
the party to give him." 1 This learned gentleman would 
have received the sympathy of the Maryland magistrate 
who put a chirurgeon of that colony under bonds to prose- 
cute to its fulfillment a cure for which he had received 
compensation before there was any " benefit apparent." 

The first generation of New England Puritans resembled 
closely in their modes of thought and in their personal 
habits the Puritans of the older England which they had 
left behind. We find the elder Winthrop taking his family 
and friends down Boston harbor for a day's outing, and the 
birds and flowers of the New World interested him and the 
other first comers. The more learned among them were 
careful students of one of the greatest of modern books, 
John Calvin's Institutes of the Christian Religion and, no 
doubt, agreed with that great man that the enjoyment of 
the gifts of God is not wrongful since he has created them 
for our benefit. " In herbs, trees, and fruits, beside their 
various uses, his design has been to gratify us by graceful 

1 See an interesting article on " Medi- See also ibid., Second Series, i, 46 ; John- 
cine in Early Massachusetts," by Dr. son's Wonder-working Providence, 165. 
Oliver Wendell Holmes in Massachusetts The vote of the General Court noted 
Historical Society's Proceedings, v, 379. above was passed on October 27, 1647. 

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486 NEW ENGLAND IN 1649 

forms and pleasant odors." " Shall the Lord," asks Calvin, 
"have endued flowers with such beauty, to present itself 
to our eyes, with such sweetness of smell, to impress our 
sense of smelling ; and shall it be unlawful for our eyes to 
be affected with the beautiful sight, or our olfactory nerves 
with the agreeable odor ? " * So, too, the Creator in pro- 
viding clothing has had in view not merely man's neces- 
sity, but propriety and decency as well. Nevertheless, he 
asks, « Where is gratitude towards God for clothing, if, on 
account of our sumptuous apparel, we admire ourselves 
and despise others? " John Calvin was one of the greatest 
of men and recognized that one form of religion would not 
be adapted to all ages and therefore declared that one 
church should not despise another on account of a variety 
of discipline. "The Lord gave not that law by the 
hand of Moses to be promulgated among all nations, and 
to be universally binding ; ... he had a special regard 
to their [the Jews] peculiar circumstances." 9 The diffi- 
culty of keeping body and soul together in early New Eng- 
land, however, brought out the sterner and severer qualities 
of the early New Englanders, so that by the time the second 
generation of native born appeared in public life the race 
had lost much of the geniality which has usually marked 
the users of the English speech ; but this was due to a 
variety of causes, among which their religion should be 
reckoned as only one. The Puritan creed only slowly 
assumed the sternness of aspect which made intellectual 
excitation save for religious purposes an impossibility. 8 

* Institutes, bk iii, oh. x, $$ 2 and 3. * Institutes, bk. iv, ch. xx, $ 16. 

It was not until the first half of the * See an interesting paper by Barrett 

seventeenth century that much attention Wendell on the " Characteristics of the 

was given to the cultivation of flowers Puritans " in American Historical Asso- 

(Verney Memoirs, i, 9). ciation's Reports for 1891, p. 245. 

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I. The Confederation. — The Records of the commissioners are in 
Plymouth Colony Records, vols, ix and x, and in Connecticut Colony 
Records, iii, 473-614. The Articles of Confederation are in the above 
and also in Bradford's Plymouth, Brigham's Plymouth Laws, and Amer- 
ican History Leaflets, No. 7. Winthrop's New England and Hutchin- 
son's Massachusetts are important in dealing with this time. See 
also Charles C. Smith in Memorial History of Boston, i, 295 and fol., 
J. Q. Adams in Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Third 
Series, ix, 187, and Frothingham's Rise of the Republic 

II. Education in England. — The English Sessional Papers contain 
two remarkable reports having to do with education : the " Schools 
Enquiry Commission Report " (1868) in some twenty parts, and 
the "Charity Commissioners' Report" for 1837. The most useful 
single volume on the subject is Nicholas Carlisle's Endowed Grammar 
Schools. On the antiquity of endowments, see A. F. Leach's English 
Schools at the Reformation and "Early Yorkshire Schools" (York- 
shire Archaeological Society's Record Series, 1899). 

Instances of English schools which trained New England settlers 
are given in Martin's Evolution of the Massachusetts Public School 
System. The leading sources of information are concisely summed 
up by J. Schaffer in " The Origin of the System of Land Grants for 
Education " (Bulletins of the University of Wisconsin, No. 63). An 
interesting article on this general theme is in Massachusetts Histor- 
ical Society's Proceedings for 1871, p. 387. 

III. Local Government in England. — The account in the text is 
based on the works enumerated in the footnotes to Channing's 
" Town and County Government " in the Johns Hopkins Studies in 
History and Political Science and the following, most of which have 
been published since 1884: Tavistock Churchwardens 9 Accounts, 
Accounts of the Churchwardens of St. Michael in Bedwardine in 
Worcester, Pittington Records, Houghton Records, North Riding 
Records Society's Quarter Sessions Records, Plymouth Municipal 
Records, Bacon's Annals of Ipswich, etc. Professor Herbert D. 
Foster also kindly placed at my disposal his notes from the follow- 
ing records which are still unprinted : Boston Assembly Book, Tar- 
mouth Town Records, Borough of Leicester Accounts, Northampton 
Town Record Booh 

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The Dutch influence on American history came in three 
ways. In the first place, refugees from the despotism of 
the Burgundian and Spanish rulers of the Netherlands 
and from the religious tyranny of their own people sought 
shelter in England ; they helped to modify the institutions 
of their adopted home, and some of their children and 
grandchildren were among the early settlers of New Eng- 
land. In the second place, Englishmen, fleeing from the 
persecution of English ecclesiastics, found refuge in the 
Low Countries, where they learned many things besides 
the Dutch speech, and some of them brought these lessons 
to Plymouth and to the other colonies of New England. 
In the third place, the commercial metropolis of America 
was founded by Dutchmen whose posterity has powerfully 
affected the development of the thirteen colonies and of 
the United States. Few things are harder to unravel or 
more easy to exaggerate than the interplay of institutional 
factors, and it is not easy to disentangle the institutions 
of one people from those of another. This is especially 
true in the case under consideration, because Dutch and 
English political ideas come largely from the same source, 
and the two races under similar environments would ordi- 
narily reach the same conclusion. Until some scientific 
investigator, expert in early English and American history, 
shall make a thorough analysis of the institutions of the 

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original thirteen states, it will be impossible to speak with 
authority on this subject. 

For centuries Englishmen and Dutchmen had been close 
friends. This was due to their racial affinity, to their 
commercial harmony, and to their similar religious inclina- 
tions. No friendship, however long, outlasts divergencies 
of commercial interest. England and Holland became 
competitors in manufacturing and in carrying the com- 
merce of the seas ; they became rivals in the race for the 
spoils of the Far East. In 1623, the Dutch captured a few 
Englishmen who were engaged in trafficking for cloves 
on the island of Amboyna. The Dutch tortured them, 
until in the extremity of their agony they confessed to 
the existence of a fabulous plot to capture the fort on the 
island. Then they were massacred, and other Englishmen 
were driven away. More than a dozen years before this an 
Englishman, Henry Hudson, sailing in the service of Dutch 
merchants, had introduced to the notice of the European 
world the river which still bears his name. He was not 
the first to visit the Great River of the Mountains ; Gio- 
vanni da Verrazanoj nearly a century before, had anchored 
within Sandy Hook, and French traders may have fre- 
quented the river and perhaps built a trading post not far 
from the site of the modern Albany ; 1 but the recorded 
history of the river begins with Hudson's voyage of 1609. 

Henry Hudson comes into the historian's notice in 1607, 
and he disappears in the ice and mist of Hudson Bay in 
1611. In this brief period he gained a " farther north " 
than any other man for many a long year and made two 
memorable voyages which are commemorated in the names 
Hudson River and Hudson Bay. His antecedents are un- 

* These possibilities and others also i, 5&-40. Cf. De Costa's Sailing Dirto-' 
are good-naturedly summed up by John tlons of Henry Hudson. 
Fiske in his Dutch and Quaker Colonies, 

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known, though conjectures have not been wanting ; l nor 
is there any certain information as to the reasons for his 
voyaging in the service of the Dutch East India Company. 
Unquestionably he was an Englishman, and as certainly he 
sailed, in 1609, in search of a new waterway to India and 
Cathay. His vessel was named the Half -Moon; she was 
a "fly-boat," or fast sailing vessel whose speed was 
secured by making her long in proportion to her beam ; 
she carried eighteen or twenty men. The Half-Moon** 
crew was ill assorted of Englishmen and Dutchmen and 
was soon discouraged by ice and storms. Hudson, there- 
fore, abandoned his northward course through Arctic seas 
and steered westward for America, to which he was drawn 
by the knowledge of Weymouth's voyage and of the dis- 
coveries of the Virginia explorers. 9 It is not unlikely that 
this following up of the English explorations was in the 
minds of Hudson and his Dutch employers before he sailed 
from the Texel. 

In her westward course across the Atlantic, the Half 
Moon encountered gale after gale. In one of these her 
foremast was injured, but on she kept under such sail 
as she could carry. Off Newfoundland, Hudson sighted 
some French fishing vessels, and stopped long enough 
for his men to catch "one hundred and eighteen great 
coddes." On the 17th of July, in the heat and fog of a 

i J. R. Read (Historical Inquiry con- the Dutch East India Company and Hud- 

cerning Henry Hudson) gives many facts son in his Henry Hudson in Holland. An 

about sundry Hudsons who lired in the Inquiry into the Origin and Objects of 

reigns of Elizabeth and James; but the Voyage which led to the Discovery of 

the links connecting these persons with the Hudson River, — and, for some in- 

the navigator are still lacking. The scrutable reason, refused Asher a sight 

sources are given in the original and in of the brochure, which was designed for 

translation in Asher's Henry Hudson the private distribution. 
Navigator (Hakluyt Society Publica- * Murphy's Hudson, 47, 63, and 

tions, 1860). H. C. Murphy, to whom Asher's Hudson, 148. The former is 

students of New York history are largely in many ways to be preferred, 
indebted, printed the contract between 

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1609] HUDSON'S VOYAGE 441 

Maine summer, he anchored in the vicinity of Penobscot 
Bay. While lying at his moorings the natives came to 
the ship in two " French shallops." " On the morning of 
the five-and-twentieth," so the chronicler of the expedition 
informs us, "we manned our scute with four muskets 
and sixe men and tooke one of their shallops and brought 
it aboard. Then we manned our boat and scute with 
twelve men and muskets and two stone pieces or mur- 
derers, and drave the savages from their houses, and tooke 
the spoyle of them, as they would have done of us," — 
which was quite likely after the unprovoked seizure of 
their boat. 

Once again ataunt, the Half-Moon steered to the south 
and, rounding Cape Cod, made the Virginia coast. After 
coasting southward for a time, Hudson turned to the north 
again and possibly entered Chesapeake Bay. 1 He certainly 
sailed into Delaware Bay and, not liking the looks of the 
shoal water, soon ran out again, and, steering northward, 
anchored inside of Sandy Hook. On the 4th of August, 
1609, a party went on shore, — tradition says on Coney 
Island, but the landing might have been at almost any 
other point. Carefully exploring the Narrows, Hudson 
navigated the Half Moon into the upper bay, and then into 
the mouth of the river which now bears his name. The 
water was salt, and the tide ebbed and flowed with great 
force. Here, at last, seemed to be the long-looked-for pas- 
sage to the Pacific Ocean. For eleven days, therefore, the 
Half-Mo<m drifted and sailed northwardly. The wonder- 
ful scenery of the Hudson — the Palisades, the Donderberg, 
West Point, and the Catskills — impressed the explorers. 
Above the site of the modern Albany the water became 
too shoal for the ship, but a boat party proceeded eight 

1 Asher's Hudson, 78 note. 

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or nine leagues farther on. 1 While the Half -Moon was at 
anchor in one of the northern reaches, Hudson invited a 
party of Indians into the cabin and "gave them much 
wine and aqua-vitae, that they were all merrie. In the 
ende one of them was drunke." As a requital for this 
hospitality, the Indians the next day presented Hudson 
with tobacco, wampum, and venison. These natives were 
Iroquois of the Mohawk tribe. A traditional account of 
a scene of revelry at the first coming of the whites was 
preserved among them until the American Revolution; 
it is generally regarded as descriptive of the coming of 
Hudson and his crew, but it may possibly refer to earlier 
French explorers. Two things, however, seem to be rea- 
sonably certain. The first is that the Iroquois appreciated 
the attentions of the early Dutch navigators and fur 
traders; who supplied them with fire water and firearms. 9 
The other assured fact is that these Indians had had 
slight intercourse with white men, or they would not 
have been so friendly. The natives of the lower Hudson 
showed their familiarity with the whites by attacking the 
Half -Moon at every good opportunity. 

The future careers of the Half-Moon and her gallant 
captain were not fortunate ; putting into Dartmouth, Eng- 
land, Henry Hudson was forbidden to remain longer in the 
service of the Dutch, and in April, 1610, he sailed from 
the Thames on his last voyage in quest of the Northwest 
Passage. Fourteen months later he was set adrift in a 
shallop in Hudson Bay by a panic-stricken and mutinous 
crew, and no trace of him has since been found. As to 
the Half-Moon, she gained a Holland port early in 1611, 

* Brodhead, in his New York (i, 81), Collections, New Series, i, 71, and Asher's 
identifies localities. Hudson, 173. 

* See New York Historical Society's 

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1614] BLOCK'S VOYAGE 443 

and four years later was wrecked on the shore of the 
island of Mauritius. 

The Dutch East India Company had no interest in the 
scenery and fur trade of the Great River of the Mountains, 
and, indeed, had no right to explore or to trade in that 
region; they also had full use for their capital in the 
profitable exploitation of the commerce of the Spice 
Islands. Other Dutch merchants and some of the mem- 
bers of the East India Company, however, saw prospect 
of profitable business in the inexhaustible supply of furs 
in this region. From 1610 onwards Dutch fur traders 
frequented the river, which they named the Mauritius, for 
the stadtholder of the Netherlands. The fur trade soon 
gathered about Manhattan Island, at the mouth of the 
river, and in the vicinity of the present Albany, which 
stands at the head of navigation by seagoing vessels. 

Among the fur traders who made their headquarters at 
Manhattan Island was Adriaen Block, whose ship, the 
Tiger, was burned in 1613. Setting to work, he built a 
small vessel which was launched in the spring of 1614 and 
christened the Onrust or Restless. In her he passed through 
Helle-gat River, which be so called, probably, because it 
* reminded him of a similarly named Dutch river. Sailing 
eastwardly through Long Island Sound, he came to a stream 
whose waters were fresh at no great distance from the 
Sound. He named it the Fresh River or the Fresh Water 
River, but its English settlers called it by its Indian name 
of Connetticock or Long River. Block ascended the stream 
to a point above the site of the present Hartford. Re- 
turning to the mouth of the river he sailed eastwardly 
to Block Island, which still bears his name, and explored 
Narragansett Bay. Thence he sailed to the southward of 
Texel (Martha's Vineyard), Vlieland (Nantucket), coasted 

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the outer shore of Cape Cod, and crossed Massachusetts 
Bay to the vicinity of Nahant, which he named Pye Bay 
from the variegated color of the water, rocks, and soil. 1 

While Block was still away the States-general of the 
United Netherlands offered to grant to the first finder of 
new land the exclusive trade thereof for four voyages. 
Upon Block's return to Holland the owners of the Tiger re- 
ceived, for three years, exclusive rights in North America 
between the fortieth and the forty-fifth parallels. This 
grant was made on the ground that Block was the first 
to visit seas which had been repeatedly navigated by 
French and English seamen, from Verrazano to Champlain 
and Martin Pring. Moreover, it is probable, although not 
susceptible of definite proof, that Samuel Argall had 
visited Manhattan Island in the preceding year and had 
compelled the Dutch traders there to recognize the author- 
ity of the English king. 

There seems to be some doubt as to who was the first 
Dutch explorer of the Delaware. O'Callaghan thinks that 
Cornells May, in 1614, discovered the cape which bears his 
name, but Brodhead gives the credit of the detailed ex- 
ploration of the bay to Cornelis Hendricksen and leaves 
May altogether out of the account. The origin of the name 
Henlopen is also doubtful. O'Callaghan says that it was 
so called from a town of Friesland, but Brodhead says that 
it was named after Thymen Jacobsen Hinlopen of Amster- 
dam and that it also came to be called Inloopen because it 
seemed to vanish on approach. The last name would seem 
to have been well bestowed, for this sandy point marched 
up and down the map to suit the convenience of successive 
claimants to the soil of Delaware. Notwithstanding their 

1 For the localities mentioned in Laet, translated in New York Historical 
Block's voyage, see the account in De Society's Collections, New Series, v, 291. 

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numerous voyages for exploration and trade the Dutch, 
in 1619, had slight hold on the South Bay and River, as 
they termed the Delaware, or on the North and East 
rivers, as those on either side of Manhattan Island came 
to be called. In this year the English Captain Dermer, 
sailing from Monhegan to Virginia, passed through Hell- 
gate and the East River and out by Sandy Hook without 
having seen or spoken with a Dutchman. On his return 
voyage in the next year he came across some Dutch 
traders, exactly where is not known, and warned them not 
to trespass on English territory. This warning the Pil- 
grims soon repeated on no less than three occasions. 

The year 1621 begins a new page in the history of the 
Dutch in America, for in that year the West India Com- 
pany was chartered by the States-general. The principal 
object of the new corporation was the acquisition of wealth 
through the spoiling of the Spaniards; but a subsidiary 
part of the scheme was a profitable commerce. The 
second clause of the charter authorizes the company to 
make alliances with the natives, build forts, appoint and 
discharge officers, and "advance the peopling of those 
fruitful and unsettled parts." 1 Both coasts of America, 
the west coast of Africa, and the islands of the Atlantic 
were thus placed under the monopoly of the United Com- 
pany of the United Netherlands, but it is more often called 
the Dutch West India Company. New Netherland is not 
mentioned in this instrument and, indeed, it had no 
existence at that time. 8 

* The charter is in O'Gallagban's ment of the presence of the settlers on 

New Netherland, i, Appendix A, and the Hudson and the Delaware. In reply 

Hazard's State Papers. he was informed that "there was no 

9 In 1621 Sir Dudley Carleton, then plantation or settlement to impeach the 

English minister at The Hague, by order English right." He was later ordered to 

of Sir George Calvert, Secretary of require the Dutch "to discontinue the 

State, complained to the Dutch govern- plantation " ; but they replied that only 

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The first settlers came to Manhattan Island in 1628. 
They were, for the most part, Protestants from the south- 
ern Netherlands, or Walloons. In looking over the his- 
tory of the founding of New Netherland, it is surprising 
to note how many of its promoters were not of what can 
strictly be called Dutch origin, but came from the country 
which is now called Belgium ; as, for instance, William 
Usselincx, the founder of the West India Company, 
Samuel Godyn, Van Meteren, John de Laet, Gerad Merca- 
tor, Peter Plancius, Henry Hondius, and Isaac Le Maire, 
to mention no other names. The immigrants who came 
to New Netherland in 1623 were few in number, but they 
spread far and wide, some of them settling in Delaware, 
others in Connecticut, others in the vicinity of Fort Orange 
near the present Albany, others on Manhattan Island, on 
the western end of Long Island, and on Staten Island. 
Before long, however, it was found necessary to bring 
them nearer together on or near Manhattan Island, — the 
women and children were withdrawn even from Fort 

The first governor or director of New Netherland who 
exercised much influence on its development was Peter 
Minuit (or Minnewit to spell his name phonetically), who 
was born in the Duchy of Cleves. To him and his coun- 
cil of five was confided the whole government of the 
province. Partly subordinate and partly coordinate were 
the schout-fiscal who arrested and prosecuted offenders, 
and the koopman or factor who also acted as secretary. 
These two officials reported directly to the government 
of the company in the Netherlands, and were consequently 

far traders were on the Hudson Hirer, against the Dutch intruders. 8ee Calen- 

He again protested in 1622. In 1632 the dare 0/ State Papers, America and West 

Council for New England endeavored to Indies, 1574-1660, p. 27. 
arouse the government to take measures 

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nearly always at swords' points with the director. All 
officials were appointed and removed by the company, 
but the director was obliged to swear allegiance to the 
United Netherlands. In all this the settlers were not 
consulted in the slightest degree, nor had they any local 
self-government. For sixteen years now, Dutchmen had 
been living in this region, but as yet they had no settled 
clergyman, and nothing had been done for the education 
of their children; the keynote of this period of New 
Netherland history was the acquisition of wealth. Minuit 
secured some sort of title to Manhattan Island by pur- 
chase from the natives, — giving them goods to the value 
of twenty-four dollars. He also began the erection of a 
fort, a mill, and several houses. In each of the next few 
years, furs were exported from the colony to the value 
of sixty thousand guilders, 1 but this insignificant peltry 
trade had little interest for the governors of the West 
India Company which in one year gained sixty million 
guilders from the loot of the Spaniards. They deter- 
mined to shift the burden of the colonial enterprise to 
private shoulders by extending to the colony the feudal 
system of land-holding which obtained in the Netherlands. 
This was done by the Charter of Privileges to Patroons 
which was issued in 1629.* This instrument provided 
that any member of the company who should within four 
years at his own expense transport fifty families to New 
Netherland should be entitled to an extensive tract of 
land in the colony, for which, however, he must extin- 
guish the native right of occupancy. This grantee was 

* These figures are from De Laet's Historical Association's Report for 1896, 

"History of the West India Company/' 140. The charter in English is in New 

in New York Historical Society's Cot- York Historical Society's Collections, 

lections, New 8eries, i, 385. 8eoond 8eries f i, 370 ; O'Callaghan's K eto 

1 On the patroonships, see American Netherland, 1, 112. —*•**»- 

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termed a patroon, and within his holding possessed juris- 
diction in civil and criminal cases, with an appeal in cases 
involving over fifty guilders to the company's representa- 
tive at Fort Amsterdam. No colonist living in a patroon- 
ship could make woolen, linen, or cotton cloth, or weave 
any other stuffs on pain of banishment. There were 
stipulations as to trade which were probably intended to 
restrict the patroons in such a way as to give a monopoly 
to the company; but these were so ill drawn that they 
were constantly evaded and gave rise to conflicts which 
continued as long as the colony remained in Dutch hands. 
The company, moreover, undertook to provide the patroons 
with negro slaves as far as it was convenient. The expec- 
tation probably was that great landed estates would come 
into being which should be cultivated by tenants, who 
would be assisted in their labors by slaves, the profitable 
fur trade with the natives being retained by the company 
and by those residing within the company's reservation at 

The scheme was no sooner decided on than the leading 
men of the company notified their agents in the colony, 
who vied with one another to secure the best lands 
before the ordinary stockholders should have any knowl- 
edge of what was going on. Manhattan Island was 
reserved to the company, but Michael Pauw secured 
Staten Island and the mainland oh the opposite side of 
the North River from Manhattan. This spot was of 
great value because the natives of the lower river were 
accustomed to congregate there to traffic with the com- 
pany's agents. In 1687 the corporation bought out the 
rights which the enterprising Michael Pauw had secured, 
for twenty-six thousand guilders. Two other directors, 
Samuel Godyn and Samuel Blommaert, appropriated what 

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is now the state of Delaware. A fourth director was the 
luckiest of all. His name was Kiliaean van Rensselaer, 
and for his share he took lands which inclosed the com- 
pany's station at Fort Orange. When it was known at 
Amsterdam how successfully these directors had been 
served by their agents, there was confusion in the com- 
pany which was ended only when these most enterpris- 
ing men admitted others to a share in their prospective 

The South Bay enterprise was unfortunate from the be- 
ginning; Godyn and Blommaert, who had associated De 
Vries with them, were taken with the idea of prosecuting 
the whale fishery in those shallow waters. They sent out 
colonists who settled near the site of the present Lewis- 
ton, naming it Swannendael. Whales proved to be scarce 
on the Delaware shoals and the settlement languished. In 
1632 De Vries himself came out with recruits and provi- 
sions. Anchoring off Swannendael, he found the houses 
destroyed, most of the palisades burned, and the ground 
bestrewn with the skulls and bones of the settlers. The 
Indians were naturally anxious to keep out of the power 
of the whites ; but De Vries finally prevailed upon one of 
them to remain on his vessel over night. The Indian was 
understood to say that the settlers " emptied a pillow, to 
which was attached a piece of tin upon which was figured 
the emblem of Holland." One of the chiefs used this for 
a tobacco pipe, and thereupon the whites demanded that 
the savage who had taken the tin should be executed, 
probably with the idea that he had committed treason. 
The family and friends of the unfortunate chief, according 
to Indian usage, revenged themselves on the whites. For 
some inscrutable reason, instead of waging war on these 
murderous savages, De Vries sought to placate them with 

VOL. I. — 2 o 

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gifts of cloth, bullets, axes, and " Nuremberg trinkets," and 
that was the end of the first European settlement on 
Delaware Bay. 1 

Peter Minuit remained until 1682. A year later Wouter 
van Twiller, the husband of Van Rensselaer's niece, became 
governor or director. Van Twiller is one of the most inter- 
esting characters in our colonial history. De Vries, who 
hated him, lost no opportunity of speaking evil of him, 
especially dwelling upon his cowardice and love of drink. 
He represents himself as giving Van Twiller great quanti- 
ties of unasked advice and as making extremely unsuitable 
remarks about the United Company to its representative 
at Fort Amsterdam. He also relates many stories, one of 
which has to do with the sailing of an English ship by the 
fort in open defiance of Wouter van Twiller, whereupon, 
according to De Vries, the governor ordered a barrel of 
wine to be brought, and, having taken a glass, called out, 
"Those who love the Prince of Orange and me, emulate 
me in this, and assist me in repelling the violence com- 
mitted by that Englishman." The latter, however, was 
far away up the river, but the people finished the barrel of 
wine and would have mastered six casks of it — if there 
had been that number. There seems to have been a good 
deal of friction between De Vries and the authorities over 
the payment of duties on the furs which he had secured 
from the natives ; possibly this insistence upon the rights 
of the company may have influenced the patroon's writ- 
ings against the director.* These stories, dressed up by 
the matchless genius of Washington Irving, furnished 
the substance for the wonderful figure of Walter, the 

i De Vries In New York Historical * New York Historical Society's CW- 

Society's Collections, Second Series, i, lections, Second Series, i, 255 and fol. 

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Doubter, of the Knickerbocker History 1 at the cost of 
the good name of an estimable man. 

As a matter of fact, Wouter van Twiller was a plain, 
seventeenth-century Dutchman whose business ability and 
marriage connections had given him a position of great 
difficulty. There is little question that the office of 
director of New Netherland was the most difficult posi- 
tion to be found anywhere in the colonies : on the one 
hand, the United Company expected to receive returns 
from the colonists directly and from the fur trade indi- 
rectly ; on the other hand, the members of the company 
made returns impossible by securing for themselves the 
greater part of the profit of the commerce with the na- 
tives. Moreover the States-general of the Netherlands ex- 
pected that the company would undertake the settlement 
of the colony; but the company had no money to put 
into an unprofitable venture and tried to make coloniza- 
tion pay for itself. Finally, every colonist who went to 
New Netherland wished to trade on his own account, and 
it was the business of the director to restrict their enter- 
prise. Besides having these unpopular functions to dis- 
charge, the director was burdened with a schout fiscal and 
a koopmann, each prying into his doings and reporting 
directly to the home authorities. Well might the director 
of New Netherland have been a doubter ; but, as a matter 
of fact and justice, it does not appear that he was any- 
thing of the sort. 

Wouter van Twiller came to New Netherland in 1688. 
He soon found that his position was far from being a bed 
of roses. Virginia was now well settled ; the Virginians 
were beginning to look away from the immediate vicinity 

* From which John Flake makes large quotations in his Dutch and Qttafc*? 
Colonies, i, H4. *^ 

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of the James River, and Governor Harvey informed the 
Dutchmen that they had no right whatever to the Dela- 
ware region. To the east the New Englanders were 
becoming active. They denied the right of the Dutch to 
the Connecticut Valley ; they settled New Haven hard by 
New Amsterdam ; they demanded the right to trade on 
the Hudson River. At the moment the English and the 
Dutch were allies in Europe ; the position of an English 
trading vessel in the Dutch colony was, to say the least, 
very doubtful. There is small cause for wonder that 
Wouter van Twiller hesitated before firing on the English 
ship mentioned by De Vries; when his mind was made 
up, he acted with vigor. He sent a sufficient force of 
armed men in pursuit of the defiant vessel, seized the 
furs that had been collected aboard of her, and escorted 
her out of the river. When the Pilgrims sailed up the 
Connecticut River in 1633, they found a Dutch trading 
station named Fort Good Hope on the site of the modern 
Hartford. It was garrisoned by Dutchmen who threatened 
to shoot at the interloping Englishmen, but shot not. Soon 
followed the great emigration from Massachusetts to the 
Connecticut Valley, the settlement of the river towns, and 
the founding of Saybrook. In the face of this rising flood 
of Englishmen, the only thing that Wouter van Twiller 
could do, with the small force at his command, was to 
maintain a stout appearance. As long as he remained in 
control of affairs at Manhattan Island, Fort Good Hope 
was inhabited by Dutchmen, although it stood surrounded 
by English farms; and all attempts on the part of the 
Virginians or New Englanders to gain a foothold on Dela- 
ware Bay were frustrated. 

Besides his activity against the neighbors of New 
Netherland on the east and on the south, Van Twiller 

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1638] WILLIAM KIEFT 453 

began to build a fortified town at the southern end of 
Manhattan Island. Like other early governors of New 
Netherland, he used his office to secure valuable tracts 
of land. He also made many enemies besides De Vries. 
Among these was Dominie Bogardus, the first clergyman 
in the colony, who is said to have called Wouter van 
Twiller "the child of the devil." Another enemy was 
the schout fiscal, Lubbertus van Dincklagen, who reported 
vigorously against Van Twiller and lacked three years' 
salary when that despotic person dismissed him. De Vries 
and Van Dincklagen ultimately drove Van Twiller from 
office ; he retired to his uncle-in-law's patroonship of 
Rensselaerswick, where doubtless he enjoyed the perplexi- 
ties of his successors. 

The first of the two picturesque administrators to suc- 
ceed Van Twiller was William Kieft. De Vries and 
Bogardus had disliked Van Twiller; they soon came to 
hate William Kieft. Inasmuch as a large part of our 
knowledge of this portion of New Netherland history is 
derived from the writings of De Vries and Bogardus, it 
may well be that Kieft was not as bad as he is generally 
depicted. Winthrop gives him faint praise, but praise, 
nevertheless, when he says that he was more discreet and 
sober than his predecessor. 1 The government of New 
Netherland from beginning to end was a despotism ; this 
was eminently the case in Kief t's time, as he was hampered 
by only one councilor, a Huguenot named La Montagne. 
Kieft reached the colony in 1638 and at once forbade re- 
bellion, theft, perjury, and " all other immoralities." The 
sale of guns and powder to the natives was prohibited 
under pain of death, and illicit trading was forbidden. 
Kieft also laid a tax on tobacco and endeavored to limit 

* Wlnthrop'a New England, ii, 316. 

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the use of spirituous liquors by providing that those only 
who sold wine at a moderate rate should be permitted to 
retail the stronger liquor. "Criminal prosecutions and 
executions for homicide and mutiny were unhappily too 
frequent; 1 " but the new director's vigor soon brought 
good results in the shape of an influx of a small number 
of colonists and a general rehabilitation of the company's 
property at Fort Amsterdam. The French missionary, 
Father Jogues, who visited Manhattan Island in 1643, 
reported that there were then four hundred men living 
there, speaking eighteen different languages. 9 

The student of early American history can make one 
generalization with some degree of confidence : so long as 
the white invaders were fur traders and missionaries, there 
was peace on the frontier ; but when the newcomers were 
farmers or planters, Indian war broke out before very 
long. In othqr words, while their hunting grounds were 
preserved to the Indians, they looked upon the whites as 
the benevolent dispensers of useful utensils, pots of iron, 
articles of personal adornment, fire water, and sometimes 
firearms ; but when the whites began to plow the soil and 
to build houses, they seriously interfered with the Indians' 
food supply and with the only article of barter for which 
the white traders would give the Indian those things which 
he desired. In Virginia and Maryland there was almost 
incessant Indian war as long as the Indians could fight ; 
New Plymouth and Massachusetts were saved from the 
same fate by the rapidity with which the measles and 
smallpox sheared off the aboriginal population. As soon, 
however, as the New England settlements outran the infec- 
tious diseases of the whites, there was conflict with the 
natives. Purchase of land from Indian chiefs, fair trading, 

* Brodhead's New York, i. 278. * Ibid., i, 374. 

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1641] WILLIAM KIEFT 455 

and the impartial administration of English law made no 
difference. Deprived of his land the Indian must fight or 
starve. So it was in New Netherland: as long as the 
Dutchmen came as fur traders there was peace ; as soon 
as there was colonization there was war. No doubt the 
crisis was hastened by the narrow-minded petulance of 
William Kieft, but it would not have been long deferred 
in any event. 

Into the details of the genesis of the murderous Indian 
conflict which devastated New Netherland, it is not neces- 
sary to enter here. There were murders by the whites 
and the redskins, which were due in part to drink and 
in part to a desire for revenge. By August, 1641, the 
position of affairs was so precarious that Kieft summoned 
the leading men and the heads of families to meet at Fort 
Amsterdam. These promptly chose twelve of their 
number to inquire into the circumstances and to advise 
the director as to what should be done. De Vries, who 
was now resident in the colony, was chosen president of 
the Twelve Men, and it is on his account of the affair 
that we have mainly to rely. He tells us that the Twelve 
Men advised the director that the Indians should be pun- 
ished, but that God and opportunity " should be con- 
sidered " ; in other words, that the enterprise should be 
well matured and vigorously executed. A few weeks 
later Kieft consulted the Twelve Men each one by him- 
self ; their voices were still for delay. In January, 1642, 
he again summoned the Twelve Men in a body. After 
some persuasion, they assented to an expedition against 
the Indians, but coupled this with the condition that 
Kieft should lead the army in person, probably because 
they doubted his courage and thought this was the easiest 
way to postpone the conflict. At the same time they 

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seized the occasion to demand reforms in the administra- 
tion of the government, greater freedom for trade, and 
protection against the importation of English cattle and 
sheep. Kieft agreed to exclude English live stock and also 
to permit commerce with the New England colonies upon 
payment of certain duties. He then dismissed the Twelve 
Men and sent out an expedition, which returned without 
having seen an Indian. 

The next step in this melancholy tragedy was the 
massacre of the "River Indians," who had gathered at 
Pavonia and at Corlaer's Hook opposite Manhattan to 
escape the Iroquois. These fugitives were set upon in the 
dead of night by Dutch soldiers acting on the orders of 
the director. One hundred and ten of the unsuspecting vic- 
tims of this treachery were killed outright. Owing to the 
lack of other evidence we are forced to rely on the narra- 
tive of De Vries, 1 who may have exaggerated consciously 
or unconsciously. He describes how babes were hacked 
to pieces or thrown living into the river, and says of the 
adults « some came running to us from the country having 
their hands cut off ; some lost both arms and legs ; some 
were supporting their entrails with their hands, while 
others were mangled in other horrid ways, too horrid to 
be conceived." Speedily followed war with the near-by 
Indians ; in a few weeks the white survivors of their sud- 
den attacks found themselves confined to the southern 
end of Manhattan Island in and around Fort Amsterdam. 
For years the conflict which began in this way went 
on, broken only by such periods of time as enabled the 
Indians to gather their crops of corn. In all this time 
there was but one warlike exploit which struck terror into 
the hearts of the savages and in some measure raised the 

* Translated in O'Callaghan's New Netherlands i, 268. 

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spirits of the whites. Tired of the unequal contest, the 
settlers called to their aid a body of English soldiers of 
fortune of varying degrees of virtue or of the lack of it, 
but, for the most part, good fighters. The leader of these 
men was Captain John Underhill. He was a frontiersman 
of excessive combativeness ; who, like many great soldiers, 
had certain peculiarities of a moral sort which had caused 
grave solicitude to the leaders at Boston where he had first 
settled. Moments of gayety were followed by hours of 
repentance and then by further lapses from virtue, which 
in their turn gave way to the hearkening to the voice of 
conscience. In the Pequot War, he had borne a part 
second only to that of Captain John Mason, and his 
sterling military qualities alone had made him endurable 
to the men of Massachusetts. His frontier instincts led 
him away from the settled regions on the Bay to the 
debatable land between New Haven and New Netherland ; 
but whether he should loan his talents to Theophilus 
Eaton or to William Kieft was doubtful until the certain 
prospect of a fight induced him to enter the service of the 
latter. At the head of one hundred and fifty men, after a 
brilliant flank movement and a toilsome march through 
the snow which lay deep on the slopes of the steep rocky 
hills, Underhill and his men in the middle of a moonlight 
winter's night came to a palisaded Indian village. Eight 
Indians are supposed to have escaped, five huudred in 
round numbers are stated to have been shot or burned 
alive in the conflagration which marked this victory as 
well as the earlier capture of the Pequot stronghold on 
the Mystic. The Dutch were grateful for Underbill's 
assistance, but even gratitude could not withstand the 
obstreperousness * of his conduct, and he found it wise 

1 See J. H. Innes's New Amsterdam and Its People, 180. 

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to seek shelter at Newport in Rhode Island. Underbill's 
moonlight massacre on Strickland's Plains brought peace 
with several Indian tribes, but the desire for vengeance 
still rankled in the hearts of the natives in the immediate 
vicinity of Fort Amsterdam. 

To protect the pastures and cornfields of the fugitives 
on Manhattan Island a stout fence was built near the 
line of the present Wall Street, but the prowling savages 
sometimes crossed this defense and killed the settlers in 
the huts around the fort. The West India Company was 
now bankrupt, and could give little assistance to the 
colonists; a few soldiers from Curacoa added to the 
number of mouths to be filled without doing anything 
in return. In October, 1644, the surviving colonists, as 
represented by a committee, the Eight Men, as it was 
called, addressed a memorial to the company, which gives 
a striking picture of New Netherland at this time. " Our 
fields," the memorialists assert, "lie fallow and waste, 
our dwellings and other buildings are burnt . . . the crops 
which God permitted to come forth during the past sum- 
mer remain in the fields standing and rotting." 1 All 
this misery they attribute to William Kieft, who had 
never in six or seven years been farther from Fort Amster- 
dam than the middle of Manhattan Island. Unless there 
was a speedy change, the surviving colonists would be 
obliged to return to the Netherlands with their wives and 
children, and such property as they could carry with them. 
The colony, the memorialists finally declare, will never be 
prosperous until a different system is introduced, until 
free local institutions are provided, and representative 
government is established. 

In the spring of 1646 peace was finally made between 

* Brodhead's New York, i, 308. 

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the exhausted Indians and the no less exhausted whites. 
It did not come in time to save Director General Kieft 
from dismissal, although his successor, Peter Stuyvesant, 
did not reach the colony until May, 1647. The intervening 
months formed the darkest period in Kieft's life. He 
was denounced on the street as a traitor, liar, and villain. 
The clergyman and schoolmaster of the colony, Dominie 
Bogardus, was not the most backward of the director's 
assailants ; he scrupled not to vituperate the civil head of 
the colony from the pulpit of the barnlike structure which 
still served the settlers as a church. According to Kieft, 
the head ecclesiastic was a drunkard, and it was said that 
some of his doings were " unbecoming a heathen, much 
less a Christian, letting alone a preacher of the Gospel " ; 
while the chief magistrate, according to Everadus Bo- 
gardus, was a vessel of wrath and fountain of woe and 
trouble. Kieft, naturally, declined to go to church and 
encouraged the playing of games and the beating of drums 
in the vicinity of the holy edifice while Bogardus was 
berating him. Friends interposed, and for a time the two 
chief men of New Netherland consented to live together 
under what might be termed an armed truce. Together 
they sailed for home in the good ship Princess to lay their 
plaints before the authorities there. The navigator of their 
vessel mistook the Irish for the English Channel, and to- 
gether the director and the dominie went to the other 
world in a shipwreck off the coast of Wales. 

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Bibliography. — Ulmann's Landmark History of New York 
(pp. 267-279) contains a good selected bibliography of New York 
history, both of the state and city. Detailed lists will be found in 
New York State Library Bulletin, No. 56, " Bibliography 24," pp. 287- 
660, and Bulletin of the New York Public Library, iv, v. 

The sources upon which the history of New Netherland rests are 
printed for the most part in the set of volumes entitled Records 
relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, and in the 
New York Historical Society's Collections, Second Series, vols, i, ii, 
and iii. These are enumerated at length in Winsor's America, iv. 
O'Callaghan's Laws and Ordinances of New Netherland, 1638-1674, 
contains the official documents in full. Notwithstanding this wealth 
of original matter, the history of New Netherland remains unwritten, 
possibly because there is hardly a scrap of evidence that is not highly 

The two leading historians of New Netherland are Edmund 
Burke O'Callaghan and John Romeyn Brodhead, 1 the former an 
Irishman, the latter of mixed Dutch and English extraction. Both 
of them had their prejudices, and neither was a trained historical 
student John Fiske's Dutch and Quaker Colonies appears to be 
based mainly on O'Callaghan's book with reference to Irving's 
Knickerbocker History, which is a literary landmark and exceed- 
ingly unjust toward the people and officials of New Netherland. 
Thomas A. Janvier's Dutch Founding of New York is a fair rendering 
of the facts contained in Brodhead's first volume. It is to be re- 
gretted that so talented a writer should have descended to historical 
scurrility ; as in describing the highly respectable secretary of Rhode 
Island, William Dyer, husband of the ill-fated Mary Dyer, as " a loose 
fish of thievish proclivities." 

i Brodhead's knowledge was great that the settlement of Springfield on the 

as to early New York history, bat was Connecticut River " brought the English 

weak as to the outer world ; as, for ex- within a few miles of the Dutch post at 

ample (vol. i, p. 261), where he states Fort Orange [Albany]." 

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Peter Stuyvesant was a crusty, hot-tempered official 
who had lost a leg in the service of the Dutch West India 
Company. 1 As governor of Curagoa, he had displayed great 
love of show and had badly bungled the only military 
matter in which he had held important command. He 
arrived at Fort Amsterdam in May, 1647, and at once de- 
clared that in the government of his new people, he should 
be " as a father over his children." As with Kieft in the 
blush of early enthusiasm, Stuyvesant proceeded to reform 
abuses 2 — and at Fort Amsterdam there was an abundance 
of abuses to be reformed. He decreed that in the future 
no liquor should be sold on Sundays before two o'clock, 
when there was no preaching, and wine not before four; 
but this prohibition did not apply to the entertainment 
of travelers " and of those who are daily customers, fetch- 
ing their drinks to their own homes." He further provided 
that no liquor should be sold to the Indians at any time, 
nor to whites after the ringing of the "curfew" at nine 
o'clock in the evening. Ten months later he returned to 
the subject as these orders, « to the shame and derision " 
of the director general, were not observed. Existing tap- 
rooms might continue for four years, but in the mean- 

1 A " reader " of the Magazine of in the text is allowed to stand, however, 

American History (xxiii, 506) asked for in the hope that tradition in this instance, 

11 a contemporary reference to the fact as in many others, is correct, 
that Stuyvesant used a false leg " and * Records of New Amsterdam, 1, 1 ; 

asked in vain, — if the indexes of later O'Callagban's Ordinances, 6Q and fol. 
volumes can be relied on . The statement 


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time the owners were to engage in "some other honest 
business." They should report daily whether anybody had 
been hurt or wounded at their houses and must not sell or 
give brandy, wine, beer, or strong waters to the Indians, 
directly or by intermediaries. Despite these regulations, 
the director general continued to observe drunken Indians 
running about, and he added a threat of corporal punish- 
ment to the pecuniary fine. These regulations seem to 
have been needed, as the little village which clustered 
around the ramparts of Fort Amsterdam was hardly more 
than a collection of gin shops and taverns. Drunken 
Indians and sailors were an everyday sight. Street fight- 
ing was also common and was also to come to a speedy 
end. One hundred guilders, or six months in prison on 
bread and water, was Stuyvesant's cure for drawing a 
knife in the street and three times the penalty for inflict- 
ing a wound. Smuggling and illegal trading were forbid- 
den, and speculators in land on Manhattan Island were to 
improve their lots at once or forfeit them. William Kieft, 
who had begun his term of office in an equally virtuous 
way, had embarked for home, the possessor, it was said, 
of sixty thousand guilders. The more stringent the regu- 
lations, of course, the larger was the fee required for 
dispensing with them; before long Stuyvesant began 
buying farms or boweries — to give them their Dutch 
name. Speedily also the Manhattanese began to dislike 
the parental quality of the new director's care of them. 

Peter Stuyvesant, like his predecessor, was a despot. 
He justified Kieft's despotic deeds. He persecuted those 
who questioned his or his predecessor's acts. He threat- 
ened to hang on the highest tree in New Netherland any 
man who appealed from his decisions to their High Mighti- 
nesses in Europe. The "rights of man," he once said, 

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were nothing to him ; he was the servant of the West 
India Company. It must be said in Stuyvesant's justifica- 
tion that his task was no light one. On Manhattan Island 
the fort must be rebuilt, the stone church completed ; in 
the colony the patroons must be forced to respect the 
rights of the company and of the States-general ; on the 
Delaware the Swedes who were now colonizing that region 
must be looked to ; and in the East the on-coming flood 
of New Englanders must be held back. The successful 
management of these difficult tasks required tact, good 
judgment, and money, — none of which commodities was 
possessed by Peter Stuyvesant. The treasury was bare, but 
money and a good deal of it was absolutely necessary ; the 
consent of the people to taxation had therefore to be 
obtained or, at all events, asked, or they would certainly 
rebel. So Stuyvesant directed the inhabitants of Man- 
hattan, Brooklyn, Pavonia, and neighboring places to 
choose eighteen persons, from which number he and his 
leading advisers would select Nine Men to advise him 
when need should arise. 1 After the first election, the Nine 
Men and the government would fill vacancies in the board. 
Except in the beginning, therefore, this organization was 
not an elected body; but it may be said to have been 
fairly representative, as its members were the leading men 
in the community outside of the director general and his 
council. The Nine Men and their constituents were, above 
all, desirous to monopolize the fur trade of the Hudson 
River. Stuyvesant at once fell in with the popular wish 
and issued a proclamation which restricted all trading in 
New Netherland to old residents who were actually living 
in the province and to newcomers who should take the 
oath of allegiance, be possessed of considerable property 

i Brodhead's New York, i, 475. 

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and state an intention of becoming permanent residents in 
the colony. These provisions were modified from time to 
time by action of the company in the Netherlands and 
of the authorities in the colony. As the matter finally 
developed, any one could secure the right to trade who 
should keep an open store at New Amsterdam and obtain 
a " burgher right," which he could do by petitioning and 
paying certain fees. Stuyvesant further restricted all 
trade of New Netherland to those who had a pass from 
himself, which doubtless turned out to be a fruitful source 
of personal revenue. 

These stringent regulations as to the fur trade, which 
were designed in some sort to placate the colonists, were 
combined with the imposition of a custom's duty of about 
thirty per cent ad valorem. The new director general 
made an honest but ill-timed effort to collect the moneys 
which were due to the company; he also tried to stop 
the illicit trade in firearms with the natives, not so much 
for the sake of putting an end to that dangerous traffic as 
of securing its profits for his masters. The result of these 
regulations and taxes was that New Amsterdam soon 
became a place to be avoided by shipmasters and coast 
traders, who said they could not afford to go to New Neth- 
erland and run the risk of loss of ship and cargo. Stuy- 
vesant asserted that these oppressive measures were due to 
orders from the company. The Nine Men, thereupon, pro- 
posed to petition the home authorities. The director gen- 
eral fell in with this plan provided the petition should be 
drawn according to his ideas, — and that was the end of 
the scheme for the time being. 

The enforcement of the new system brought Stuyvesant 
at once into conflict with the New Englanders. They 
contended that, as New Netherland vessels were allowed 

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freely to pass in and out of New England ports, New 
England vessels should likewise be permitted freely to 
trade in New Netherland. Stuyvesant answered that the 
idea was absurd, because wherever vessels went they 
found new laws. In the end the commissioners of the 
United Colonies informed Stuyvesant that the Indian 
trade of New England in the future would be confined 
entirely to New Englanders. Complete commercial stagna- 
tion fell upon Fort Amsterdam, and the calm in commerce 
was accompanied by, or, rather, was the leading cause of, a 
storm in politics. Adriaen van der Donck was one of the 
most interesting of the Dutch emigrants to New Nether- 
land. He came to the colony in the employ of Van 
Rensselaer, but after telling that worthy patroon's super- 
intendent that he was a liar, he found it convenient to 
leave Rensselaerswyck for the even stormier Manhattan. 
He married the daughter of Francis Doughty, an English 
Presbyterian clergyman, who had been driven from Taunton 
in New Plymouth Colony on account of his ideas as to 
infant baptism. 1 Doughty soon fled from the persecution 
of Stuyvesant and found refuge in Maryland. Van der 
Donck became president of the Nine Men. Under his 
energetic leadership the project of an appeal to the home 
authorities was once more taken up and this time pushed 
with energy. The Nine Men asked Stuyvesant's permis- 
sion to consult the people ; upon his refusal they made a 
house-to-house canvass. When Stuyvesant realized what 
was going on, he seized their papers and expelled Van der 
Donck from the board. Van der Donck and the Nine Men 
past and present thereupon drew up a memorial to the 
States-general, 1649. In this paper the memorialists prayed 

1 Lechford's Plaine Dealing, Trum- marriage portion. " Wlnthrop Papers " 
bull's ed., pp. xxvii, 92. Doughty 's sister in Massachusetts Historical Society's 
charged him with defrauding her of her Collections, Fifth Series, i, 308. 

vol. i. — 2h 

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the Netherland government to take the province under its 
immediate care, to establish local self-government there, 
to encourage trade and the fisheries, and to settle the 
boundaries of the colony. With the memorial went also a 
remonstrance or " Vertoogh van Niew Nederlandt," 1 which 
was drawn by Adriaen van der Donck himself and was a 
severe indictment of Stuyvesant and his employers. The 
remonstrance is especially bitter when it describes the lack 
of interest displayed by the authorities in religion and 
education. Dominie Backerus, the successor of Everadus 
Bogardus, had endured Stuyvesant as long as he could and 
was going home ; his departure would leave the colonists 
without a minister. As to education, the remonstrants 
say : " There should be a public school ... so that first 
of all in so wild a country where there are many loose 
people, the youth be well taught and brought up, not 
only in reading and writing, but also in the knowledge and 
fear of the Lord. As it is now, the school is kept very 
irregularly ; one and another keeping it according to his 
pleasure, and as long as he thinks proper." Probably the 
remonstrants had in mind the scandal monger Roelantsen, 
who taught school off and on and also took in washing. 
The remonstrants ask for the appointment of a governor 
who is not too indigent and not too covetous, for " a covet- 
ous governor makes poor subjects, ... for nobody is 
unmolested or secure in his property longer than the 
Director pleases, who is generally strongly inclined to con- 
fiscating." Van der Donck and two of the Nine Men, 
armed with the Memorial and the Remonstrance, sailed for 
Holland. With them went Backerus, whose orthodoxy 

1 It was printed at The Hague In 1649, Society's Collections, Second Series, ii, 
and is translated with notes by H. G. 253. The quoted matter is on p. 819. 
Murphy in the New York Historical 

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was not of Stuyvesant's kind, and Cornelis Melyn, who 
enjoyed the costly distinction of speaking his mind openly 
to both William Kieft and Peter Stuyvesant. Wouter 
van Twiller and the Van Rensselaer family joined their 
efforts to those of Van der Donck, Backerus, and Melyn ; 
but it does not appear that much was immediately, accom- 
plished by this formidable band. The company went on 
in the old way, and Peter Stuyvesant continued to be as 
covetous and as arbitrary as ever. 

By 1662, however, the continued representations of Van 
der Donck began to bear fruit. 1 The directors of the com- 
pany consented that municipal privileges should be given 
the little town which had slowly grown up on the southern 
end of Manhattan Island under the name of New Amster- 
dam. It is said that the company intended to leave the 
selection of the schout, the schepens, and the burgomasters 
to the burghers ; but it is a matter of record that Stuyve- 
sant appointed them himself. It seems inconceivable that 
he should have done this without orders from home. The 
company also agreed that a school might be established 
in the "city tavern" if Stuyvesant saw no objection. 
Probably the director general saw objections to this use 
of the building, for there seems to be no evidence that 
the children were ever taught there, although in 1656 the 
schoolmaster of that time asked for its use on the ground 
that the children needed a schoolroom which could be 
warmed in winter. 

In New Netherland it made slight difference whether 
representatives were appointed by their constituents or by 
the director general; they were no sooner fn office than they 
opposed the governor and his wishes. In 1664 the war 
between England and the Netherlands came to a sudden 

1 Brodhead's New York, i, 537. 

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ending just in time to save the Dutch colony from an 
attack by a formidable expedition under General Robert 
Sedgwick which Cromwell had set on foot. The danger 
and the inconvenience had been sufficiently great to arouse 
the New Netherlanders, both English and Dutch, to a 
lively sense of the insufficiency of the West India Com- 
pany's government. With Stuyvesant's permission, dele- 
gates from the several towns and villages met at New 
Amsterdam in December, 1653, in a convention or landtag. 1 
Among the delegates was George Baxter, an aggressive 
English settler of Gravesend, who had accompanied Cap- 
tain Underhill to the battle on Strickland's Plains. Under 
his vigorous leadership, the convention drifted away from 
the consideration of protection against attack from without 
to protection against tyranny from within. They drew 
up a Remonstrance and Petition in which they declared 
that they had transformed, " with immense labor and at 
their own expense, a wilderness of woods into a few 
small villages and cultivated farms." They asked that 
their requests might be " received and construed favorably 
and without misinterpretation," — which was a somewhat 
optimistic view to take. They went on to state the fears 
and alarms which for some time had broken their spirit 
and discouraged them in their labors. To lessen the dan- 
ger of misinterpretation on the part of the director general 
and the States-general, they summarized their " fears and 
alarms " under six heads as follows : (1) the arbitrary gov- 
ernment; (2) the inefficiency of the Indian policy; (3) the 
appointment of officers and magistrates " without the con- 
sent or nomination of the people whom it most concerns " ; 
(4) the uncertainty of the laws made by the director 
and council "without the approbation of the country"; 

i O'Callaghan's New Nether land, ii, 248. 

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(5) the injustice in withholding promised grants of land ; 
and (6) the granting of large tracts to favored individuals 
for their private profit Such was this great Remonstrance 
and Petition which representatives of the English and 
Dutch people of New Netherland presented to the despotic 
Stuyvesant at the risk of their lives and property. The 
times were so stormy, however, that that great personage 
only fumed and wrote a lengthy defense of his conduct. 
To this paper the Convention replied in a document which 
refers to the " laws of nature," a phrase which carries us 
forward a century. In answering their rejoinder, Stuy- 
vesant sought to sow discord between the Dutch and the 
English. Their suggestion that the magistrates should 
be chosen by popular vote seemed to Stuyvesant to be 
the height of absurdity. " If the nomination and election 
of magistrates were to be left to the populace, who were 
the most interested," he declared, " then each would vote 
for one of his own stamp — the thief for a thief; the 
rogue, the tippler, the smuggler, for a brother in iniquity, 
that he might enjoy greater latitude in his vices and 
frauds." In this somewhat airy way, Peter Stuyvesant 
set aside the aspirations of those whom he called his 
subjects for a freer and more liberal government. It is 
true that in 1658 Stuyvesant yielded to the burgomasters 
and schepens of New Amsterdam the right to nominate a 
double number of magistrates from which the director 
and council should pick the actual magistrates for the 
year; but this concession did not amount to much in 
practice. 1 For ten years more the West India Company 
and its faithful director general did all that they could 
to divert the stream of immigration from the natural 

1 There is an excellent article on the the Dutch regime, by A. E. McKlnley, in 
local institutions of New Netherland in American Historical Review, vi, 1-18. 

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center of commerce at Manhattan Island to the neighbor- 
ing English colonies. 

One reason for the slow growth of New Netherland was 
probably the use of torture which prevailed there and 
nowhere else on the continent, and the excessive and dis- 
graceful punishments which were inflicted. The use of 
torture to extract confession was repugnant to English 
ideas and, indeed, was forbidden in the Massachusetts 
Body of Liberties, which provided that only convicted 
persons should be tortured. In New Netherland it was 
different, and the " Council Minutes " record in 1654 the 
case of a man charged with burglary who should be ex- 
amined, and if obstinate, tortured; and in 1655 another 
case of a man accused of robbery who should be sub- 
jected to torture that he might confess ; and in 1663, that 
the council denied a motion made by one of their number 
to subject a prisoner to torture on the ground that he 
had already been once tortured and twice whipped with- 
out eliciting additional information. The instrument of 
torture which was used in some of these cases was the 
rack. As for punishments inflicted, the "Council Min- 
utes" show that a man was publicly whipped, branded, 
and banished for stealing hogs, while runaways had their 
hair clipped, were publicly whipped, had their ears pierced 
with a red-hot iron, and were further condemned to work 
with the company's negroes for a term of one year and 
upwards. The curious student may read other and more 
shocking entries for himself in O'Callaghan's "Calendar 
of Dutch Manuscripts." 1 

Peter Stuyvesant had a seventeenth-century dislike for 
toleration in religion, which was fully shared by his 

IE. B. O'Callaghan's Calendar qf Manuscripts, 1630^54 ("Council Min- 
HUtorical Manuscripts, pt. i, Dutch utes," 61-268). 

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masters, the Lords Majors of the West India Company, 
by their High Mightinesses, the States-general of the 
Netherlands, and by the colonial clergyman, Johannes 
Backerus, who came from Curagoa with the new director 
general in 1647. The condition of affairs at New Amster- 
dam seems to have affected unfavorably the tempers of 
both Stuyvesant and Backerus, for we find the latter 
acting with Van der Donck and the Nine Men against his 
former friend, and in 1649 he accompanied the embassy 
which went to Holland with the Remonstrance. By this 
time the religious system had become so far organized as 
to place the management of holy affairs in the colony 
in the Classis of Amsterdam. This body in the Dutch 
Reformed Church corresponded to the Presbytery in the 
Presbyterian organization. The religious fabric of the 
Dutch colonial system, therefore, was not unlike that of 
the English organization where the Bishop of London was 
supposed to have charge of religion in the colonies. On 
Backerus's dismission, Stuyvesant wrote to the Classis 
asking that "an old, experienced, and Godly minister 
might be sent to them"; but no person of standing in 
Holland could be found who was willing to go to the 
colony. In this emergency Dominie Johannes Megapo- 
lensis, who had been at Rensselaerswyck since 1642, was 
induced to exchange his place for that of minister at New 
Amsterdam, and he remained there until the English Con- 
quest. He and Stuyvesant proved to be kindred spirits ; 
to them the sight of a Lutheran was as sin. In 1654 the 
Lutherans, who were now numerous at New Amsterdam, 
desired to have a minister of their own, but this request 
Stuyvesant promptly refused, stating that his oath forbade 
him to tolerate openly any other religion than the Re- 
formed Dutch. They then appealed to the Statea-geueraV, 

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but the influence of Megapolensis and of the Classis of 
Amsterdam overbore the desire of the authorities for col- 
onists, as it was difficult to see how permission could be 
granted to the Lutherans and not to the Anabaptists and 
the English sects. The directors, therefore, wrote to 
Stuyvesant that no public religious service, except that 
of the true Dutch Reformed Church " should be permitted 
in New Netherland"; but Stuyvesant should use "all 
moderate exertions " to win Lutherans and other dissent- 
ers from their errors. 

Moderation in exertion was not Peter Stuyvesant's 
strongest point ; or, perhaps, what seemed moderation to 
him was not so regarded by those whom it most nearly 
affected. In 1656 Megapolensis and Dominie Samuel 
Drisius, who had been the former's colleague for some five 
years, complained to the director general of the increase of 
conventicles. Thereupon Stuyvesant issued a proclama- 
tion l forbidding the holding of religious meetings not in 
harmony with the established religion as set forth by the 
Synod of Dort ; the penalty for the clergyman was one 
hundred pounds and for the attendant laymen twenty-five 
pounds. Private services might still be held in one's own 
family, but no father could have his child baptized with- 
out a statement of his belief in the doctrines held forth by 
that famous Synod. The proclamation was not a dead 
letter : William Wickendam, a cobbler from Rhode Island, 
baptized people in the river at Flushing. He was fined 
one hundred pounds and banished, but the money was 
never paid because he had it not. William Hallet, the 
sheriff of Flushing, who had encouraged Wickendam was 
fined fifty pounds and removed from office. 

It was on the Quakers, however, that Stuyvesant's 

1 O'Callaghan's Laws and Ordinances, 211. 

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wrath fell with the greatest weight. They not only dif- 
fered from him in religion, but were disrespectful in their 
attitude when brought before him as a magistrate. On 
their way to and from Massachusetts they thought New 
Netherland would be a convenient stopping place, for there 
the members of the English sects were disposed to treat 
them kindly. But Peter Stuyvesant, Johannes Megapo- 
lensis, and Samuel Drisius disliked them fully as much as 
did John Endicott and the Massachusetts ministers. It 
turned out, therefore, that at New Amsterdam the Quakers 
suffered the whole round of human torment, short of 
actual hanging. The worst case which has come down to 
us in Quaker annals is that of Robert Hodshone or Hodg- 
son, who sought to enlighten the people of Heemstede or 
Hampstead. Richard Gildersleeve, the Presbyterian mag- 
istrate of that place, would have none of Hodshone's en- 
lightenment. He arrested him, tied him to a cart's tail 
with his arms bound, and so conducted him by road and 
ferry to the presence of the director general. Two years 
at hard labor or a fine of six hundred guilders was the 
result of this first interview with Peter Stuyvesant. The 
Quakers always refused to do anything to aid in the car- 
rying out of what they regarded as an unjust sentence. 
Hodshone, therefore, refused to work or to pay ; he was 
chained to a wheelbarrow and beaten with a rope's end 
until he fell to the ground. Three days of wheelbarrow, 
chains, and beatings produced no compliance, and he was 
again taken before Stuyvesant. Demanding to know 
what law he had broken, he was told that he should be 
beaten every day until he consented to work or paid his 
fine. It fell out otherwise, however, for speaking when 
he was commanded to be silent, he was hung to the ceil- 
ing by his hands with a log of wood tied to his feet and 

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was then beaten with rods on the bare back until his flesh 
was cut to pieces. Two days later he was again punished, 
and then at length he seems to have been willing to labor. 
This torture touched the hearts of the people ; an English- 
woman bathed his wounds, and Stuyvesant's sister, Anna 
— widow of Nicholas Biard or Bayard — begged from her 
brother the remission of the remainder of the sentence. 

Stuyvesant, although he permitted Hodshone to depart, 
was determined to restrain the spread of Quaker doc- 
trine and decreed that sheltering a Quaker for one night 
should cost fifty pounds. It was this proclamation which 
drew from the townsmen of Flushing a memorable pro- 
test. They were commanded by the law, so they declared, 
to do good to all men. They desired not to offend one of 
Christ's little ones, be he Presbyterian, Independent, Bap- 
tist, or Quaker. Do unto others as you wish all men to do 
to you is the true law in Church and State. They should, 
therefore, shelter the Quakers " as God shall persuade our 
consciences. " This remarkable remonstrance was signed 
by thirty-one men, whose names are worthy of remem- 
brance. 1 Edward Hart, the town clerk, was dismissed 
from office, and Tobias Feake, the sheriff, was fined two 
hundred guilders. But all the regulations, finings, and 
exhortings of Director Stuyvesant and Dominies Mega- 
polensis and Drisius were in vain, for the Quakers, Inde- 
pendents, and Lutherans kept on worshiping God as their 
consciences dictated. 

i The signers of the Flushing Protest William Pldgeon, George Blee, Ellas 

given by O'Callaghan, New Netherland, Doughty, Anthony Field , Richard Stortin , 

i, 361 note, are as follows : Edward Hart, Edward Griffin, Nathaniel Coe, Robert 

clerk, Tobias Feake, William Noble, Wil- Field, Sr., Robert Field, Jr., Nicholas 

liam Charles S tiger, William Thome, Jr., Persells, Michael Millner, Henry Towns- 

Rndolf Blackford, Edward Feake, Mira- end, George Wright, John Ford, Lyman 

bel Stevens, John Glover, Nathan Jeffs, Bum tell, Edward Reurt, John Masline, 

Benjamin Hubbard, Philip , John Townsend, Edward Farrington. 

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1638] NEW SWEDEN 475 

It was in the Swedish settlements on the South Bay and 
River that Lutheranism predominated. Gustavus Adol- 
phus, Sweden's greatest king, was bitten with a desire for 
colonial expansion, and was stimulated thereto by William 
Usselincx, the Flemish founder of the Dutch West India 
Company. For years, however, constant warfare occu- 
pied his attention until he fell at the battle of Lutzen. 
After that unhappy day the Swedes had their hands 
full in conquering and plundering large portions of the 
continent of Europe. At length, however, a Swedish 
West India Company was founded, and in 1638 two 
Swedish vessels, the Key of Cdbaar and a tender, anchored 
off the site of the ill-fated Swannendael. There were fifty 
colonists on board, including a clergyman and some con- 
victed bandits who were to do the rough work of the 
settlement. Their leader was Peter Minuit of Cleves, who 
had already served a colonial apprenticeship as governor 
of New Netherland. The English in Virginia made un- 
comfortable remarks as to Minuit's commerce with the 
natives, and the Dutch at Manhattan desired to know what 
he was about and protested against his doings. Neither 
Englishmen nor Dutchmen, however, offered effective 
opposition ; the Thirty Years' War was still raging, and 
the Swedes were too good allies in Europe to be denied a 
bit of wild land in America, — especially as both Dutch- 
men and Englishmen denied the other's right to the region 
coveted by the newcomers. 

Unmoved by these remonstrances, the Swedes went 
through the process of colonization ; they " bought " land 
of the natives, built houses and forts, and exchanged the 
trinkets and tools of the home land for the furs of New 
Sweden. Near the site of the modern Wilmington was 
their fort, which they named Christina in honor of 

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Sweden's young queen, Gustavus Adolphus's daughter ; in 
return, in 1642, she took the colony under her royal pro- 
tection. Soldiers and colonists now came over in increas- 
ing numbers ; they built forts above and below the Dutch 
trading posts, — for the Dutch tried to maintain the sem- 
blance of possession where they could not make effectual 
opposition. Nothing united the two nations on the Dela- 
ware save the approach of an English fur trader or colo- 
nist; then Swede and Dutchman combined to eject the 
invader. This intolerable condition could not long con- 
tinue. In 1648 the Thirty Years' War came to an end 
with the treaties of Westphalia and Miinster, and Spain 
acknowledged the independence of the United Netherlands. 
To this result the Swedes had contributed most power- 
fully ; indeed, by stemming the flood of the Roman Catho- 
lic reaction, Sweden had saved continental Protestantism 
and the Dutch Republic from extinction. But nations, 
especially republics, are proverbially ungrateful; the ex- 
hausted condition of New Netherland, slowly recovering 
from the Indian wars, alone saved New Sweden from 
immediate conquest. 

In 1655 everything was favorable for the successful prose- 
cution of a Dutch campaign against the Swedish inter- 
lopers ; the Indians of New Netherland were quiet and the 
termination of the war between England and Holland had 
put an end for the time being to fears of an attack from 
the United Colonies of New England. Stuyvesant gathered 
a formidable naval and military expedition. He sailed from 
New Amsterdam for the Delaware in command of either 
three hundred and fifty or seven hundred men, as one 
adopts the Dutch or the Swedish computation. He seized 
the Swedish settlements and forts without serious fighting, 
for Rising, the commander at Fort Christina, could muster 

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only thirty-one men. At the lowest estimate, indeed, Stuy- 
vesant must have had on his ships more armed men than 
there were white inhabitants of New Sweden, including 
in this computation men, women, children, and renegade 
Dutchmen. Never was greater homage rendered to the 
military prowess of the countrymen of Gustavus Adolphus. 
In his dealings with the powerful English colonies to the 
eastward, Peter Stuyvesant was not so fortunate. 

The Pilgrim fathers were hardly established at Plymouth 
before they became conscious of the presence of the Dutch 
fur traders. A few years later Bradford and De Rasieres, 
the secretary of New Netherland, entered into a friendly 
correspondence ; but Bradford felt obliged to warn the 
Dutchmen that they were trespassing on English territory. 
Even the visit of De Rasieres to Plymouth did not make 
the Pilgrims retire from this position, and a decade later 
this attitude of mingled friendliness and warning was 
assumed by Winthrop. In 1633 the Massachusetts bark 
Blessing of the Bay visited Fort Amsterdam. Her com- 
mander showed his commission to Wouter van Twiller, 
who was then director general, and signified to him that 
the Connecticut Valley was within the limits of English 
territory and therefore desired the Dutch not to build there. 
Van Twiller replied in a very respectful letter that as the 
States-general of Holland had also granted the same ter- 
ritory to his masters, the Dutch West India Company, 
the settlement of the matter would better be left to the 
authorities in Europe. In the same year, however, the 
Pilgrims took a further step and established a trading 
station on the Connecticut. As they passed up by the 
site of the later Hartford, the Dutch commander at Fort 
Good Hope shouted out to them, " Strike your colors or 
we shoot " ; but William Holmes and his men of Plymouth 

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sailed on, and the Dutchmen contented themselves with 
words. Settling somewhat higher up the river, the 
Plymouth people bought land of the Indian occupants 
and appropriated a part of the fur trade. Van Twiller 
protested against their conduct and ordered them to leave 
the river. But Holmes replied that " he was there in the 
name of the king of England, whose servant he was, and 
there he would remain," — and there he did remain. Two 
and three years later strong bands of settlers came from 
Massachusetts, as has already been described. They built 
their houses with striking impartiality around the Dutch 
and Plymouth trading posts. In this emergency Van 
Twiller sent an expedition to seize and fortify a position 
at the mouth of the river ; but the men of Sajrbrook were 
there before the Dutch, and Wouter van Twiller's men 
sailed back to Manhattan Island. In this way the English 
secured possession of the Connecticut Valley, although the 
Dutch continued to maintain a small garrison at Fort Good 
Hope. It cannot be said that the people of Hartford and 
their neighbors in the Dutch fort lived an altogether peace- 
ful existence. Fugitives from justice found refuge in the 
fort, and the Dutchmen's cattle and hogs invaded the Eng- 
lishmen's cornfields ; sticks and stones were freely used 
and there was an interchange of vigorous language. It 
was not until 1654, however, that the redoubtable Captain 
John Underhill, on somewhat dubious authority, tacked 
a notice on the door of the fort saying that he had con- 
fiscated it ; but eventually the Hartford townsmen appro- 
priated the property. As for the Plymouth people, they 
finally received from the freeholders of Windsor compensa- 
tion for the improvements they had made. 1 

The settlement of New Haven in 1638 offered a strong 

1 Trumbull's Connecticut, 1, 65. 

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contrast to the history of the Dutch colony, for at the end 
of the first year of its existence its population numbered 
over two hundred souls. English settlers then pressed 
westward toward New Netherland; in 1639 Greenwich 
already contained two houses, and fifty families lived 
at Stratford. Englishmen also crossed the Sound and 
occupied the eastern end of Long Island. All attempts to 
found towns on the western end of that island, independ- 
ent of the Dutch, failed, but English settlers predominated 
in several of the towns on this end. In the convention of 
1653 there were as many English delegates as there were 
Dutch. The activity and strength of the English colonists 
in New Netherland proved to be politically disadvanta- 
geous to them. In 1655 the West India Company issued 
an order disqualifying foreigners from holding office in 
the colony; they could, however, be naturalized. This 
sometimes happened, and Englishmen not only changed 
their allegiance, but also their names, so that they are 
sometimes hard to recognize. Carel van Brugge, for 
instance, who signs, as secretary, the letters to the United 
Colonies in 1653, was an Englishman from Canterbury 
whose earlier name was Charles Bridges and whose wife 
was widow of Thomas Willett. 

When Peter Stuyvesant became director general of New 
Netherland, he found the relations with the New England 
colonies in a critical condition, and he acquitted himself 
well of the difficult task of not yielding to the English 
and, at the same time, avoided war with them. Stuy- 
vesant says that on his arrival at Fort Amsterdam there 
were not over three hundred men capable of bearing 
arms in the whole province. 1 This is probably an under- 
estimate, but there certainly were not over two thousand 

1 Documentary History, \, 689. 

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white colonists in New Netherland in 1647, and more than 
one half of these were English. Plainly Stuyvesant could 
offer little armed opposition to the thirty odd thousand 
New Englanders. That New Netherland was not then 
wiped off the colonial map was due to the persistent re- 
fusal of Massachusetts to sanction a war, unless the justice 
of it was perfectly clear. 

In carrying out their policy of independence from 
European complication, the leaders of the Bay colony 
would not assent to a declaration of war, except on plain 
proof of aggression, and Stuyvesant acted with singular 
moderation. He went in person to Hartford, and nego- 
tiated with the commissioners of the United Colonies. 
The correspondence was somewhat acrimonious, due in 
part to Stuyvesant's dating his first letter from Hartford 
in New Netherland, which he tried to explain away by 
saying that the epistle had been drawn up at Manhattan 
and merely signed at Hartford. The matters in dispute 
were finally referred for settlement to two delegates 
from each side. The commissioners appointed Simon 
Bradstreet of Massachusetts and Thomas Prince of Plym- 
outh, and Stuyvesant selected Captain Thomas Willett, 
who seems at one time to have lived in Plymouth, and 
George Baxter, his English secretary and later the author 
of the Remonstrance and Petition of 1653. These four 
arbiters, all of English birth, reported (1650) that credence 
should be given to Stuyvesant's explanations of what had 
seemed to be somewhat dubious actions on his part, and, 
furthermore, that the Dutch should continue to hold the 
lands at Hartford which were then actually in their pos- 
session. These findings were distinctly favorable to the 
Dutch. On the other hand, however, the delegates pro- 
posed that Long Island should be divided between the 

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two nations, and that on the mainland a line should be 
drawn at least ten miles from the Hudson as the eastern 
limit of New Netherland, and that the Dutch should build 
no houses within 'four miles pf the line. This proposed 
arrangement was ratified in the colonies, but was not 
submitted to the home governments for confirmation. 

In 1651 came the Navigation Ordinance, which was de- 
signed to build up English commercial and shipping inter- 
ests. It is true that the ordinance restricted English 
imports merely to English vessels, or to vessels of such 
European countries as produced the goods or from which 
they were ordinarily shipped. Nevertheless, it operated to 
place the whole business in English hands, because English 
shipowners, having cargoes both ways, would be able to 
make better rates than their foreign rivals. In thus 
closing the trade of the English colonies to Dutch ves- 
sels, Parliament took a leaf from Dutch commercial regu- 
lations. When the Netherlanders objected to this new 
policy, Cromwell suggested that the matter might possibly 
be arranged on the basis of a mutual freedom of trade; 
but to this proposition the Dutch would not so much as 
listen. War followed in which New England and New 
Netherland came near being involved. 

Whenever war threatened between the English and 
Dutch nations, the thoughts of the former at once reverted 
to the massacre of Amboyna and to " the mixture of force 
and fraud," which drove English traders from Pularoon. 
Samuel Rawson Gardiner, the English historian, asserts 
that the mercantile rulers of Holland and Zealand were 
" by no means scrupulous as to the means by which they 
attained their ends." It is not surprising, therefore, that 
the New Englanders gave ready ear to rumors that Stuy- 
vesant was endeavoring to stir the Indians to massacre the 

▼OL. I. — 2 I 

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scattered settlers of the New England frontier. 1 There was 
some truth in this report, for Stuyvesant had repeatedly 
expressed an intention of employing Indians against the 
New Englanders in case the latter joined in the war, and 
to this policy, indeed, he was commanded by the directors 
of the West India Company. At the time, however, he 
had committed no overt act and offered to justify himself 
before delegates to be appointed by the United Colonies. 
These were appointed and, possibly to give them added 
prestige, the commissioners of the United Colonies at the 
same time determined what proportion of men should be 
raised for the first expedition against New Netherland. 
The delegates went to Fort Amsterdam, found Stuyvesant 
somewhat ev^ive, gathered what evidence they could, 
mostly from Indians, and returned home somewhat pre- 
cipitately. The commissioners of New Plymouth, Con- 
necticut, and New Haven were for instant war ; but the 
Massachusetts General Court refused point-blank its con- 
sent. 2 The evidence, the Massachusetts authorities said, 
was not conclusive, and therefore the war did not seem to 
be just. The English authorities appear to have directed 
the colonists to proceed against the Dutch, but it was only 
the Coddington government at Newport which acted on the 
command. Under this commission Underhill seized Fort 
Good Hope, and William Dyer captured a vessel or two. 
Connecticut and New Haven now petitioned the Pro- 
tector to remove the Dutch, who straitened and confined 

* The Second Part of the Amboyna War/ 1 as if tbe employment of Indians 

Tragedy (reprinted as Appendix G to against Indians was the same thing as 

O'Callaghan'8 second volume) is on- using them against white settlers. This 

doubtedly exaggerated. Brodhead (New is a good example of the disingenuous- 

York, i, 555) appears to seek to justify ness which seriously mars Brodhead 's 

the action of Stuyyesant and the West work and makes it a dangerous book to 

India Company by saying that " the place in the hands of any persons except 

Puritans had themselves set the example experts, 
of employing Indian allies in the Pequot * See above, p. 420. 

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the English. Cromwell lent a ready ear to these representa- 
tions, or perhaps he had already come to a determination. 
In 1654 four vessels crossed the Atlantic under command 
of Robert Sedgwick 1 and John Leverett, both freemen of 
Massachusetts who had already held rank in her military 
service. Sedgwick was commissioned * by the Lord Pro- 
tector to secure such aid as he could from the New 
England colonies, and then, if it appeared feasible, to seize 
the Dutch settlements. Massachusetts Bay consistently 
refused to proclaim the Protector, but the General Court 
voted that it had received his Highness's letter which was 
" full of grace and favorable respect to this colony," and 
regretted that Massachusetts was not in " such a capacity 
as may be apprehended to send forth such numbers of men 
as might vigorously assist in the undertaking." 8 Never- 
theless, Sedgwick was authorized to enlist five hundred 
volunteers for his expedition. New Haven and Con- 
necticut were extremely active, and Plymouth was ready 
to join with them. A formidable expedition, which would 
have been led by Robert Sedgwick, Miles Standish, and 
John Mason, was almost ready to take the field when news 
reached Boston of peace between England and the Nether- 
lands. Sedgwick devoted his energies to the seizure of 
the French posts in Maine and Nova Scotia, 4 and for nine 
years longer Peter Stuyvesant was permitted to go on ; 
retarding the development of the superb advantages 
which the position of Manhattan Island offered for trade 
and commerce, and, incidentally, to be a thorn in the flesh 
of his English neighbors. 

1 There is a good article on Sedgwick * Massachusetts Colony Records, iv, 
in Colonial Society's Publications, iii, pt. i, p. 195. 

156. * See Hannay's Acadia. 

2 Massachusetts Historical Society's 
Collections, Fourth Series, ii, 230. 

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L Printed Records of New Netherland. — Our detailed knowledge of 
the history of New Netherland practically begins with the adminis- 
tration of Peter Stuyvesant, for it is only with the middle of the 
century that the printed records become abundant and give us a 
picture of Dutch colonial life at all comparable to that of the Chesa- 
peake colonies or of New England. For instance, only about one 
hundred of the four hundred pages of O'CaJlaghan's Calendar of 
Dutch Manuscripts in the Secretary of State's office refer to the period 
before 1647 ; only sixty pages of O'Callaghan's Laws and Ordinances 
of New Netherland, 1638-1674, deal with the earliest time ; and the 
Records of New Amsterdam, as Fernow has printed them, begin with 
1663. The " Council Minutes," printed in O'Callaghan's Calendar 
of Historical Manuscripts in the Office of the Secretary of State 
(pt i, "Dutch Manuscripts") throw a blaze of light into the social 
conditions of early New York. 

II. Opportunity for Research. — J. H. Innes's New Amsterdam and 
its People stands practically alone as the only work which is based 
on a study of the court records, printed and manuscript. There is, 
indeed, as much opportunity for doing good work on this part of 
New York's history as there is on that of the Chesapeake colonies. 
It will only be when much more material has been printed and care- 
fully studied that any definite comparisons can be made between 
the life of early New Netherland and that of the other colonies. 

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From the beginning the English colonies in America 
had enjoyed a large measure of freedom from the control 
of the mother country ; since the accession of Charles I 
they had exercised practical self-government The second 
Stuart had the will to establish a system of colonial 
administration as thoroughgoing as that which he desired 
to organize in Great Britain, but he had neither the 
strength nor the time to inaugurate such a policy nor the 
money with which to secure the enforcement of any 
order which might seem to him to be desirable or even 
necessary. English history from the death of James I to 
the meeting of the Long Parliament, is taken up largely 
with the record of illegal pecuniary exactions by the 
crown: tonnage and poundage collected without vote of 
Parliament, forced loans, petty extortions of various kinds, 
all culminating in the demand of ship money, the resistance 
to which rendered the name of John Hampden forever 
famous. The modern liberty of Englishmen was largely 
won in the contests over these matters between the king 
and his subjects, and every honor is due to those who 
risked life and purse in the cause of liberty. Neverthe- 
less, these exactions, with the exception of tonnage and 
poundage, brought scanty sums of money into the ex- 
chequer. It was this royal poverty which enabled Massa- 


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chusetts Bay to bid defiance to Whitehall, — " The Lord 
frustrated their design." 1 The activity of the religious 
and political opponents of Charles and Laud prevented 
force being used against the men of Massachusetts. 

In 1640 the Long Parliament met ; by 1642 it had ac- 
quired so much strength that Charles abandoned his cap- 
ital and sought to overthrow Parliament by force of arms. 
For three years the outcome was doubtful, until the 
genius of Oliver Cromwell overturned the royal cause, 
first at Marston Moor and secondly at Naseby. From 
that time until 1660 republican or quasi-republican ideas 
were paramount in England. The establishment of the 
power of the Long Parliament gave vigor to all branches 
of government. Charles I, at the highest point of his 
personal administration, had commissioned Archbishop 
Laud and other friends of the crown to oversee colonial 
affairs, 2 but the commission had been a dead letter almost 
from the outset. In 1643 the Long Parliament took the 
matter in hand, and by ordinance commissioned Robert 
Rich, Earl of Warwick, " Governour in chiefe, and Lord 
High Admirall of all those Islands and other Plantations, 
inhabited, planted, or belonging to any His Majesties, the 
King of Englands Subjects, within the bounds, and upon 
the Coasts of America." Seventeen members of Parlia- 
ment, among whom were the Earl of Manchester, Lord 
Saye and Sele, Sir Henry Vane, Jr., Oliver Cromwell, and 
William Vassall, were appointed commissioners to aid and 
assist him to "dispose all things which they shall from 

i Winthrop'8 New England, i, 161. ton as Gordon, Cotton as Col ton. These 

1 There is an historical summary of slips are easily recognized hy those famil- 

these commissions, etc., in Kaye's " Co- iar with the subject and in themselves 

lonial Executive/ 1 63-62 (Johns Hop- are of slight importance. Nevertheless 

kins University Studies, xviii, Nos. 5, 6) . there are so many of them that they raise 

The proof-reading of this article is not doubts in one's mind as to the accuracy 

good : Hening is printed as Henning, Gor- of the facts stated in the paper. 

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time to time find most fit and advantageous to the well 
governing, securing, strengthening, and preserving of the 
said Plantations," especially the advancement of the true 
Protestant religion. In executing these important func- 
tions, the chief governor and any four commissioners 
might act. 1 This board was further authorized to fill va- 
cancies in its number, to appoint and remove " such sub- 
ordinate governors, councillors, commanders, officers, and 
agents as they shall judge to be best affected and most 
fit and serviceable," and to "assign, ratify, and confirm 
so much of their aforementioned authority and power 
and in such manner and to such persons as they shall 
judge to be fit for the better governing and preserving 
of the said Plantations and Islands from open violence, 
and private disturbance and distraction." Such was the 
famous commission which established the Board of Trade 
and Plantations. This action of Parliament seems to 
have been taken in consequence of the humble petition 
of divers merchants trading to the Island of Barbados, 
and of divers inhabitants there which was presented to 
the House of Commons in October, 1643.* The petition 
was referred to a committee which had colonial matters 
in charge. Roger Williams had been in London since 
the middle of the preceding summer ; his representations 
concerning the condition of the settlements on Narra- 
gansett Bay doubtless had great weight with the members 
of the House of Commons, but there is no mention in 
the record of any petition or memorial presented by him. 
The power enjoyed by Warwick, who was also exercising 
at this time the office of Lord High Admiral of England, 

1 In December, 1647, this was changed a peer and at least two others were mem- 
so that any five members of the board bers of the House of Commons, 
might act provided that one of them was * Commons Journals, iii, 283. 

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was very great ; but the affairs of the navy so engrossed 
his attention that beyond giving the patent of Incor- 
poration of Providence Plantations and doing what was 
necessary in regard to the West Indies, neither Warwick 
nor the commissioners seem to have taken much interest 
in colonial affairs. 

From 1643 on there are occasional references to the 
affairs of what were then termed the Foreign l Plantations, 
but beyond confirming this ordinance, nothing important 
was done until January, 1646-47. In the preceding Octo- 
ber a " Letter from the Grand Assembly in Virginia, of 
17 Martii, 1645," had been presented to the House of 
Commons and this was probably the foundation for the 
ordinance of January 23, 1646-47, which provided that 
goods might be transported to the plantations without 
paying duties for the space of three years, and also that 
servants might be transported, on condition that no force 
be used to take up any such servant or children except 
with the express consent of their parents. In considera- 
tion of this freedom from customs the plantations were 
expected to confine their commerce to English vessels, and 
any plantation that did not comply with this condition 
should be excluded from its benefits and should "pay 
custome as other Merchants do to France, Spain, Holland, 
and other foreign parts." 2 

The American colonists for the most part refused to 
side with the Commons in the contest with the king or 
sympathized openly with him. Many settlers from New 
England returned to the mother country, where they bore 
more or less prominent parts in the Civil Wars and occu- 

i This use of the word " foreign " to denote plantations outside of England and 
Ireland was common in the seventeenth century. 
9 ScobelPs Ordinances, pt. i, 113. 

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pied important positions under the Commonwealth and 
the Protectorate ; but the colonists who remained in New 
England seem to have regarded themselves as quite out- 
side of the scope of Parliamentary power. 1 The best 
example of this, perhaps, was the action of Massachusetts. 
In 1642 the Commons ordered that all goods exported from 
England to New England should be free from customs. 8 
For this favor the Massachusetts General Court ordered a 
humble and thankful acknowledgment to be entered on 
their records. Nevertheless, when, at about the same time, 
friends of Massachusetts in the House of Commons wrote 
to Winthrop suggesting that they could secure the passage 
by Parliament of any legislation which Massachusetts 
might desire, he courteously declined the offer " lest in . . . 
after times . . . hostile forces might be in control, and 
meantime a precedent would have been established." 8 
Later when Parliament (October 8, 1650) forbade com- 
merce with Barbados and Virginia, the Massachusetts 
General Court deemed it necessary to direct that no trade 
should be had with those places. 4 

Warwick and the commissioners soon after their appoint- 
ment sent agents to Virginia to offer the colonists there 
self-government and freedom from taxation by England; 
but Sir William Berkeley, acting under directions from 
the king, was able to defeat these efforts to bring Virginia 
into harmony with Parliament. The Virginians paid no 

1 There is an interesting article on " till the state of England shall alter the 

the " Political Ideal of the English Com- same, which we much desire, we being of 

monwealth " by J. G. Dow in the Eng- the same nation . . . shall presently ad- 

lish Historical Review, vi, 306. vance the aforesaid colors of England 

* Winthrop's New England, ii, 96. upon the Castle, upon all necessary oo- 

• Ibid., ii, 25. casion." Mauachusette Colony Records, 
4 Massachusetts Colony Records, iv, iv, pt. i, p. 41. On its side the House of 

pt. i, p. 40. Another instance of the in- Commons in the vote of 1642, referred 

dependent feeling of this colony is the to above, speaks of New England as 

vote of the General Court of Massachu- " that kingdom/' 
setts directing the " Gapt. of the Castle " 

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♦attention to the orders of Parliament, but it was not until 
1650 that the Puritan authorities were able to do anything 
in the matter. In that year, however, an ordinance was 
passed declaring that Virginia, Bermudas, and Antego 
"are and ought to be subordinate to and dependent on 
England ; and hath ever since the planting thereof been 
and ought to be subject to such laws ... as are or shall 
be made by Parliament." l For the future, therefore, 
Parliament forbade all ships of any foreign nations what- 
soever to trade with any of these plantations without 
license first had and obtained from the Parliament or the 
Council of the State, and ordered the seizure and confisca- 
tion of all vessels in these plantations or on the way 
thither in contravention of this law. In August, 1649, 
Parliament had appointed Vane and fourteen others a 
commission to examine the whole question of trade and 
commerce, including the fisheries and the Plantations in 
America and elsewhere, " how they may be best managed 
and made useful for this Commonwealth ; how the com- 
modities thereof may be so multiplied and improved, as 
those Plantations alone may supply the Commonwealth 
with what it necessarily wants." In October, 1651, partly, 
no doubt, as a result of this inquiry, the famous Navigation 
Ordinance was passed. 

It has been often said that this legislation was the 
result of a sudden jealousy of the prosperity of Dutch 
commerce. In reality, however, it seems to have been 
one step in a series of acts all having for their aim the 
restricting of English and colonial trade to English and 
colonial vessels. The earliest of these measures goes back 

iScoteU's Ordinance*, pt.ii, 132, Haz- provided that colonial governors and 
ard's State Papers, 1, 669. A previous deputies should take an engagement to 
ordinance (Common$ Journals, vi, 307) the Commonwealth. 

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to the time of Richard II, when it was enacted "that 
none of the King's liege people do from henceforth 
ship any merchandise in going out or coming within the 
Realm of England, but only in ships of the King's 
ligeance." 1 This act was modified by many subsequent 
laws. 3 The policy of commercial restriction had been a 
favorite one with Sir Edwin Sandys and the reformers of 
James's time. In 1621 a bill had been brought into the 
House of Commons, providing that goods could be brought 
into England only from the places of production, except 
in English ships, and forbidding English merchants to 
import any goods whatsoever except in English vessels. 
This bill failed to pass, and during the reigns of James 
and Charles the navigation laws had remained as they 
were at Elizabeth's death, except that the decision in 
Bate's case gave the king a somewhat freer hand in the 
regulation of commerce by prerogative. 8 In 1645 the Long 
Parliament reverted to the policy of building up the Eng- 
lish marine by confining the importation of whale oil, and 
gills, commonly called whalebone, to vessels fitted out 
from England by English subjects. Three years later the 
importation of French wool, silk, and wine into England, 
Ireland, and the Dominions thereof was strictly prohib- 
ited; on the other hand, all salt not made within the 
Commonwealth of England or the Dominions was ad- 

i 5 Richard n f Stat. 1, Cap. 3, Statutes • The king by proclamation forbade 

of the Realm, ii, 18. the importation or exportation of certain 

1 For instance, see 6 Richard II, Stat. commodities; he also raised or lowered 
1, Cap. 8; 14 Richard H, Cap. 6; 4 the rates sometimes in the direction of 
Henry VII, Cap. 10; 7 Henry VIII, Cap. protection of " infant industries." The 
2; 23 Henry VHI, Cap. 7; 32 Henry VIII, colonial charters, also, often contained 
Cap. 14; 5 and 6 Edward VI, Cap. 18; clauses exempting the grantees and their 
1 Elizabeth, Cap. 13; 13 Elizabeth, Cap. colonists from the payment of duties. 
11 ; 23 Elizabeth, Cap. 7; 27 Elizabeth, The instructions of 1641 to Berkeley pro- 
Cap. 15; 39 Elizabeth, Cap. 10. H. E. Tided that only English vessels should 
Egerton in his British Colonial Policy trade to Virginia ; see above, p. 235. 
(p. 61) briefly reviews the early history 
of the subject. 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 


judged to be foreign salt and to be taxed. Then came 
the laws of 1650 which have already been mentioned. 
This brief statement will serve to show that the Ordinance 
of 1651 was not so much the inauguration of a new policy 
as the restatement of a policy already several centuries 
old. What was new in it was the fact that now, for the 
first time, the rulers of England had the power and the 
will to carry it into effect to a greater extent, at any 
rate, than had been the case heretofore. 

The title of the Ordinance of 1651 is an "Act for 
the Increase of Shipping and Encouragement of the 
Navigation of this Nation." It provides that no goods 
whatsoever of the growth, production, or manufacture of 
Asia, Africa, or America, as well of the English plantat- 
ions as of others, should be transported to England or to 
any territory subject to the Commonwealth in any ship 
whatsoever, except such as belong to « the people of this 
Commonwealth or the Plantations thereof, and whereof 
the master and mariners are also for the most part of 
them of the people of t